جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « geoeconomy » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Given the realities of the international system within the current arena of war and its resulting damages, actors persistently focus on each other’s economic advantages. In this context, the West Asia region, characterized by tension and volatility, specifically highlights Syria—a country that has endured a decade of conflict—for its favorable economic traits. These attributes stem from Syria’s access to open waters and its proximity to European and African nations. Notably, Iran has maintained positive relations with Syria for many years, dating back to the era of Hafez Assad. During the eight-year defense against Iraq, Syria supported Iran, fostering strong ties. Considering Iran’s continued presence in Syria, prioritizing economic components to advance national macro strategies becomes a constructive governmental response. Both regional and global powers actively seek to enhance their influence and economic standing in other countries. Since the end of the Cold War, regionalism and power dynamics have gained prominence, prompting large governments across geographical regions to assert their roles in economic and political spheres. Consequently, the power struggle among actors in Syria extends beyond its borders, projecting an external image.
But despite the efforts of some powers to change the power dynamics in Syria, the ISIS caliphate came to an end, and the conflict zone was confined to the north and northwest of Syria. Meanwhile, Bashar al-Assad remained at the helm of power, and relentless attempts were made to overthrow him. This situation opened up opportunities for other governments to establish a presence in Syria, particularly in its economic sector.
Over the past decade, Iran has gained greater importance and status in the eyes of Damascus, especially within the context of the fight against ISIS in Syria. A notable example of Iran’s significance to the Assad government is the administration of the Latakia port, which was granted to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran has also engaged in favorable economic activities within Syria.
In light of these developments, the Iranian government has transitioned from military spending and the fight against ISIS to a focus on soft power and economic influence in Syria. It now occupies a unique position in the country’s economic geography.
Based on this fact and Iran’s presence in the Syrian war against opposition forces and ISIS, as well as its support of the central government, this article analyzes the impact of Syria’s geo-economic position on Iran’s strategic situation in the Middle East region between 2018 and 2023. The hypothesis of the article posits that Syria’s geo-economy, following the fall of ISIS, has solidified Iran’s influence within Syria and enhanced its regional role in both political and economic dimensions.
This article has collected data and analyzed it based on geoeconomics theory. According to this theory, controlling and influencing global and regional markets, as well as having access to the economic highways of many countries worldwide, ranks among the most crucial objectives. Achieving these goals necessitates tools such as attractive foreign investments and long-term, low-interest loans.
 
In light of this, concepts that hold significance in the economic sector—such as trade, investment, financial policies, economic aid, and sanctions—have gained prominence in the field of geo-economics. These components, once less critical before the collapse of the Soviet Union, now play pivotal roles in the competition among major powers since the 1990s.
 
These economic tools can spark competition between nations across various domains, particularly within different geographical areas. According to the principles proposed by the theory of geo-economics, Syria possesses a favorable economic geography for other states. Given the challenges faced by the Syrian government over the past decade, revitalizing both the political and economic aspects of the country necessitates attracting foreign capital and engaging in trade with other governments while distancing itself from security-related discussions.
 
This article analyzes the data using a documentary and statistical approach, employing the descriptive-analytical method with the assistance of geo-economics theory.
Based on the obtained data, Iran’s presence in Syria stands as one of the most critical levers within the West Asian region. According to available information, Iran has consistently expanded its cultural and economic footprint in Syria, particularly during the presence of ISIS and even more so afterward. This proactive approach by Iran underscores its recognition of Syria’s unique situation, especially following Ebrahim Raisi’s visit, and its strategic intent to enhance its position in West Asia.
 
Investing in Syria promises significant economic success for the country and contributes to bolstering regional prestige. Consequently, Iran’s presence in Syria, coupled with the creation of economic incentives for domestic investors, will further strengthen its influence in the country and facilitate the return of capital to Iran. From a political perspective, this presence aligns Iran more closely with its allies and strategically positions Syria within the depths of West Asia. As a result, Iran finds itself in the closest proximity to other regional competitors, poised to play an even greater role in shaping the future of regional dynamics compared to the past decade.
Therefore, based on the data, the following results have been obtained: 
1- With its presence in Syria, especially after the fall of the self-proclaimed ISIS government, Iran has demonstrated its intention to leverage the country’s economic interests.
2 -Iran has firmly established its presence in areas like Latakia, strategically exploiting Syria’s economic potential.
3 -Following the liberation of Bokmal by Iranian forces and under their directives, the Al-Tanf route—previously controlled by the US—has been significantly neutralized. This has ensured the continuity of an economic route connecting Iran, Iraq, and Syria.
4-By establishing a transit route between the resistance forces and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Iran facilitates connections across multiple corridors, including the North-South corridor, the China-Pakistan corridor, the China-Central Asia-Iran corridor, and the West Asia corridor. This network enables seamless access for Iran to the Mediterranean Sea via Latakia.
As a result, Iran’s presence in Syria has deepened the country’s strategic significance within the region and the global context. Syria, particularly Latakia, has emerged as a pivotal gateway to other lands.

In recent decades, changes and developments in the international arena in various forms have provided the grounds for the growing dependence of countries on each other. In such a way that this dependence has made it very difficult to achieve national interests and security without active and powerful acting and role-playing resulting from a realistically foreign policy in the regional and global arena. Whereas the adoption of an effective foreign policy in order to create sustainable security depends on recognizing the influencing factors on the foreign policy of countries; Therefore, efforts should strengthen these mentioned factors to achieve national goals and create security. On this basis, among the security maker factors, geopolitical factors is one of the most important and influential factor, because geopolitics can determine the foreign policy strategies of countries and by identifying the limitations and facilities in the geographical space of the country, can provide achievement grounds to political goals, power and security of the country. The main purpose of this study is to explain the geopolitical opportunities that generate power and sustainable security for Iran in the region of Southwest Asia. This study seeks to answer the question of how is Iran's geopolitical weight evaluated in the security equations of the of Southwest Asia region? Methodology governing the present study, which has a descriptive-analytical nature, Based on the theory of Barry Buzan's regional security complex, it is based on the assumption that the geopolitical variable (as the main influential factor in shaping Iran's security equations)

In recent decades, geopolitical relations between countries have become relations based on economic components by moving towards economic issues. In the meantime, geopolitical relations between Islamic and neighboring countries are based on specific Islamic frameworks and spatial continuity, high impact and effectiveness, etc., are mostly influenced by economic geopolitical components. Considering this importance, the aim of this article is to understand the economic geopolitical components affecting the relations of two prominent countries in the Islamic world, Iran and Iraq. The current research, with a descriptive-analytical approach as well as taking advantage of library and survey findings, investigates the most important factors affecting the economic geopolitical relations of the two Islamic countries of Iraq and Iran in order to reduce tensions and challenges and increase cooperation and coordination in The world is Islam. According to the elite-oriented nature of the statistical research community, the method of analysis is structural equations with an emphasis on the partial least squares approach. The results of the field findings of the research showed that the geopolitical components of the primary economy in the fitting part of the structural model of the research in all 4 investigated indicators: T-statistic: 29.2, path coefficient, 0.510, determination coefficient, 0.891 and predictor fit with 0.335 of It has had a greater impact on the geopolitical relations of the economy of these two Islamic countries.

The melting of ice, could change international power relations. The discovery of new maritime routes, the shortening of communication route between the west and the east, the discovery of strategic resources, the issue of disputed borders, the Canada-Norway conflict, tensions between the United States and republic of China, and etc., can be examined in this context. The main question is why the Greenland can change the Geo-politics and power politics in the international context? The hypothesis of present research is formulated in such a way that the competition between the internal and external powers of the region, the Geo-economy and changing regional and international regimes have made Greenland as a new Geo political Hotspot in the regional and international system, and affecting power relations in the international system. The aim of this study is to elucidate the interactions of Geo-economics and Geo-politics in the Greenland region (as a Danish territory) and turn it into a Hotspot in the future of international relations and international system. This study is in terms of purpose, developmental, in terms of method, descriptive- explanatory and in terms of, information gathering, library study method.Key Words;

Energy is one of the most important accelerating factors for economic development. Energy Ownership is power’s aim and likewise, instrumentation of authority in global competitions. Energy resource is significant element to provide security and make international economy sustainable.Energy is depends on some procedure that lead to increase or decrease of its security. Today, energy security concept, along the “new energy Geoeconomy “ has new aspects like advance on use renewable energy and pay more attention on decrease energy intensity, raise shale oil and gas and internationalize gas market that whole of them, make opportunity for energy security in supplier countries.Although, fossil fuel and conventional production is the majority kind of global energy resources and substitute energy market to developing country in Asia lead to link supplier oil and gas countries in east and center Asian to demander countries in south and East Asians.

The importance of investigating relations of convergence of Iran and Pakistan is due to the fact that during several recent decades (especially, after Islamic revolution of Iran), they could not make acceptable relations as what is deserved because of some problems – mostly ideological ones - between two friend and neighbor countries. This fact results in the general opinion that the nature of relations of Iran and Pakistan is critical, unreliable, and divergent. On this basis, this research attempts to answer the question of how Iran and Pakistan can experience convergent relations. The research hypothesis is that, despite the current tensions between the two countries, which are mostly unwanted, there are opportunities for convergence and desired relations between the two countries. Historically, both countries have many cultural (geocultural), geopolitical, and geographical relations. This can lead to achieving more desired relations in other fields so that two countries can be able to promote mutual relations with better and more serious participation in regional groupings such as political-economical treaty of Shanghai, economical treaty of ECO, Islamic Countries Organization, and the group called D-8 with dual nature of geopolitics–geoeconomics relations. In addition, the exports and imports of nonenergic (non–oil goods) and energic sources (gas sources and other fossil sources) can be part of Geo-economic relations between Iran and Pakistan. This research is a descriptive-analitical study. The research data has been gathered in documentary method referring to valid sources such as books, published papers, and valid reports.

The importance of investigating relations of convergence of Iran and Pakistan is due to the fact that during several recent decades (especially, after Islamic revolution of Iran), they could not make acceptable relations as what is deserved because of some problems – mostly ideological ones - between two friend and neighbor countries. This fact results in the general opinion that the nature of relations of Iran and Pakistan is critical, unreliable, and divergent. On this basis, this research attempts to answer the question of how Iran and Pakistan can experience convergent relations. The research hypothesis is that, despite the current tensions between the two countries, which are mostly unwanted, there are opportunities for convergence and desired relations between the two countries. Historically, both countries have many cultural (geocultural), geopolitical, and geographical relations. This can lead to achieving more desired relations in other fields so that two countries can be able to promote mutual relations with better and more serious participation in regional groupings such as political-economical treaty of Shanghai, economical treaty of ECO, Islamic Countries Organization, and the group called D-8 with dual nature of geopolitics–geoeconomics relations. In addition, the exports and imports of nonenergic (non–oil goods) and energic sources (gas sources and other fossil sources) can be part of Geo-economic relations between Iran and Pakistan. This research is a descriptive-analitical study. The research data has been gathered in documentary method referring to valid sources such as books, published papers, and valid reports.