جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « intergovernmentalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The integration process in the South Asian region started with the inspiration of the European Union at the end of the 20th century. In order to make this happen and encourage integration, organizations like SAARC and BIMSTEC were founded, although these initiatives were not successful in practice. From 2014 onwards, due to the revival of India's First Neighborhood Policy, a positive perspective for regional integration emerged once more in the South Asian region. Despite various steps being taken and the inclusion of India as an emerging global economy in the region, true regional integration in South Asia hasn't materialized thus far. This article aims to analyze the challenges faced in achieving regional integration in South Asia. By focusing on the theory of Intergovernmentalism, the hypothesis explores how not only the differences and conflicting interests between India and Pakistan but also the differences and conflicting interests between India and the smaller countries of South Asia have hindered the convergence of the region. The study adopts a Hypothetico-deductive method and the data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The research findings indicate that security policies and individual interests of countries, including India, take precedence over economic cooperation and regional integration.

The main purpose of this article is to study the backgrounds and reasons for Iran's new Eurasianism in Rouhani era and to analyze the goals and requirements of this policy. The previous strategy, called "Looking East" did not have clear achievements for some reasons, including inaccurate understanding of Eurasian trends and powers, little consensus, politicization, and anti-Americanization. It was largely a response to US pressure. Although this pressure is still an important variable in Iran's neo-Eurasianism, efforts have been made to address these problems and to take an active approach to adapt to new dynamics in Eurasia and the international arena. This article examines the theoretical and practical aspects of Iran’s neo-Eurasianism with a qualitative-systemic method, considering the interaction of variables, agents and various issues at regional and international levels in the framework of "new intergovernmentalism". Avoiding politicization, trying to moderate pressure rather than confronting the US, greater domestic consensus, multivectoral approach, emphasis on geoeconomics rather than geopolitics and a comprehensive rather than limited view are major characteristics of Iran's new Eurasianism in the Rouhani era. As a result, the paper emphasizes that while US pressure as a "coercive" factor is important in the Iran’s neo-Eurasianism, the "selective" effort to adapt to growing international and Eurasian developments is also a significant variable in shaping this policy.

Britain and EU relation was complex and full of up-and-downs from the scratch when they entered EU in 1955. In spite of historic factors and Anglo-Saxon pride that never let Britain to letdown themselves, different viewpoints of the UK governments, media and Public opinion that was generally based on incomplete knowledge and information on EU set-up had been the reasons that lead to the rise up of a mark called “ European reluctance” or “European skepticism”. Britain was reluctant from the first to be a member of European Coal and Steel Community so that in 1973 showed this reluctance in incompatibility with EU’s common policies (like Common Fisheries Policy, Common commercial policy, Common Agricultural Policy, Economic and monetary affairs, Foreign & Security Policy and …. ) and also with not accepting the EU’s most important integration symbols like euro zone and schengen agreement. This article, based on intergovernmentalism-supernationalism’s theories of regionalism, opens up the hypothesis that Britain’s transatlantic tendencies that showed itself in “special relations” with united states and in the other hand aggregation of more power in EU institutions that lead to the more sovereignty transference were the main reasons of reluctance that at the end voted “yes” to Brexit in 23 June 2016. This article is a descriptive-analytic article and used deductive methodology for reaching the article’s main goals.

The present article discusses the root causes of the ongoing financial crisis facing the European Union (EU) before analyzing the policies, attitudes and economic plans of the EU’s economic powerhouse, Germany, for dealing with and managing the crisis. The theoretical framework known as intergovernmentalism is used here to better understand the current trends and developments of the EU. In conclusion, the author will discuss scenarios ahead of the EU before introducing the most possible option to end the financial crisis and European convergence on the basis of the existing trends.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is a regional organization which was established at the beginning of the third millennium aimed at confidence-building among member countries, struggling against terrorism, religious extremism and separatism as well as confronting the U.S. unilateral hegemony in the international system. Its members are China, Russia, Central Asian countries (except for Turkmenistan). Iran, India, Pakistan and Mongolia have observer status in this organization. As SCO experienced a major dynamism in political, security and economic fields, the idea of establishing an "energy club" aimed at coordinating the policies of supply and demand, ensuring energy supply security, enhancing economic cooperation among member countries and adapting with new developments in the global economy was ratified in 2006 during the summit meeting in Astana, Kazakhstan. This article studies the most important opportunities and challenges facing SCO in realizing the idea of the establishment of an "energy club". The author uses a descriptive-analytical method and draws upon the theories of Cantori and Spiegel and those related to intergovernmentalism and neo-regionalism.