نشریه تحقیقات سیاسی و بین المللی
پیاپی 56 (پاییز 1402)

In one hand, this research accepts the inevitable developments in international environment due to globalization and on the other hand, recognizing the state as the most important international actor, tries to explain one of the most influential state’s acts in the globalized space. The purpose of this research is to explain the impact of globalization on dynamics of status seeking of Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. This research is done with descriptive-analytical method. Findings of this research show that in lack of collective security system in the Middle East, the strategy of social competition is an attractive option for Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. The competitive relations among states in the Middle East have been an obstacle toward creating inclusive institutions and common concept of security. Consequently, the strategy of social mobility has not been a functional one in the region. Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia in order to utilize the strategy of social creativity should demonstrate more compliance with global values and norms.

Despite the increasing recognition of sports diplomacy, a more comprehensive understanding of its impact on conflict resolution is felt. This study seeks to address the current gap in the literature by providing a nuanced exploration of the role of sports diplomacy within the context of 'sport and conflict resolution.' The main question is: "What is the role of sports diplomacy in conflict resolution for state and non-state actors?". It is hypothesized that the strategic deployment of sports diplomacy is an effective tool in establishing communication and strengthening dialogue in conflict resolution between the involved parties. The research findings indicate that the state actors have used sports diplomacy to fulfill their foreign policy goals to secure their direct or indirect interests. In fact, for states, sports always come second after survival and security, and non-state actors, who are often established as mediators to create and promote peace, use sports diplomacy to remove friction and resolve conflicts between state and non-state actors, create stability, strengthen peace, and ultimately provide human security. The qualitative research method is based on description analysis, and data collection was done through library and virtual resources.

The integration process in the South Asian region started with the inspiration of the European Union at the end of the 20th century. In order to make this happen and encourage integration, organizations like SAARC and BIMSTEC were founded, although these initiatives were not successful in practice. From 2014 onwards, due to the revival of India's First Neighborhood Policy, a positive perspective for regional integration emerged once more in the South Asian region. Despite various steps being taken and the inclusion of India as an emerging global economy in the region, true regional integration in South Asia hasn't materialized thus far. This article aims to analyze the challenges faced in achieving regional integration in South Asia. By focusing on the theory of Intergovernmentalism, the hypothesis explores how not only the differences and conflicting interests between India and Pakistan but also the differences and conflicting interests between India and the smaller countries of South Asia have hindered the convergence of the region. The study adopts a Hypothetico-deductive method and the data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The research findings indicate that security policies and individual interests of countries, including India, take precedence over economic cooperation and regional integration.

Since the Safavid era, the Eastern Mediterranean region, has affected the Iran's national security and interests. The current research seeks to answer the question, "What are the components of the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Safavid period and the Islamic Republic?" The temporary answer that the researchers put forward as a hypothesis is that "Security-strategic needs and cultural-religious commonalities have been the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the difference in Iran's approach to Europe has been one of the differences between Iran's policy in the two periods." The findings show that the similarity of the type and role identity of the Safavid statesmen and the Islamic Republic of Iran led to the definition of common interests and similar foreign policy approaches by them. Iran's continuous strategic competition with other regional powers and the need to contain their threats far from the borders, the role of Shiites in the Eastern Mediterranean in advancing Iran's goals, economic interests and the dependence of Iran's geopolitical competition on identity and ideology are the most important reasons for the continuity of Iran's foreign policy during the two periods.

The main strategy of the United States to advance its goals in the early third millennium AD was preemptive attack and preventive war, in fact, the incident of September 11 belongs to those thoughts, programs, groups, and radical and radical political tendencies in the field of American foreign and defense policy that in Throughout the presidency of Bush Sr. and Clinton, they were in isolation, and during the period of Bush Sr., it was possible to appear and emerge, and it was transferred from the margins to the text of the foreign policy of the United States. The process of developments in Iraq after the American attack had greatly changed the political structure of Iraq. After Saddam, Iraq experienced a new era, one of the components of which was the spread of insecurity and terrorism in this country. In order to carry out this research, which has been written in a descriptive-analytical way, the following question has been raised: What are the security consequences of America's presence in Iraq after Saddam? In order to answer the question raised, this hypothesis has been presented that: the presence of America in Iraq caused the crisis and created insecurity .

This article is dedicated to the analysis of the types, amount and intensity of domestic and international crises and conflicts in the last five decades. The main question of the research is to provide a complete and statistics-based picture of the amount of internal and international disputes and conflicts. The main research question is why the number of internal conflicts and disputes has increased since World War II. The hypothesis of the research is that the institutionalized efforts of the United Nations to prevent another civil war after the Second World War and the imposition of rules prohibiting the use of force in international relations have led to a decrease in conflicts at the international level and an increase in internal conflicts. The research method is analytical-descriptive, and more important innovation of research is the analysis of disputes and international crises by relying on objective statistics and avoiding relying on purely theoretical studies regarding the causes and contexts of disputes and conflicts.