islam

The study of studying and selecting appropriate solutions for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries with an emphasis on Islamic verses and narrations has been carried out with the aim of studying appropriate solutions for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries with an emphasis on Islamic verses and narrations. Today, war and some terrorist behaviors are spreading worldwide. The existence of various terrorist groups and the creation of some profit-seeking behaviors at the international level have led to the formation of war and terrorism. The method of the present study was mixed in terms of data collection method. The statistical population included experts knowledgeable about the subject of sports and politics, who were identified through purposeful sampling. The research tool included questionnaires and a researcher-made questionnaire. The IHP and TOPSIS methods were used to analyze the research data. The entire analysis process was carried out in SuperDecisions and BT TopSis SoLver software. Finally, 7 final solutions were identified through the studies carried out. According to the results of the IACP method, it was determined that economic conditions with a score of 0.167, geographical conditions with a score of 0.120, and social conditions with a score of 0.080 are the most important effective conditions for selecting strategies for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries. According to the results of the TOPSIS method, it was determined that creating a sports network covering sports in Islamic countries with a coefficient of 0.8823 is the best strategy for managing and controlling war and terrorism in the direction of improving the image of sports in Islamic countries with an emphasis on Islamic verses and narrations.

Freedom has always been one of the most important concerns of human life and is of particular importance in all theological and material schools. Among the schools, Islam and liberalism's perception of this category is very common and there have been many discussions about it. The concept of freedom has the most important place in the intellectual system of liberalism. Liberalists have presented negative definitions of freedom, in the sense that in order to achieve prosperity, a person must be free from all constraints, which, of course, is limited only by the freedom of others in order to avoid chaos. From the point of view of Islam, although freedom is considered one of the highest human values, it is a valuable freedom that is on the path of worshiping Hazrat Haqq. In this logic, real freedom can only be obtained through God's service. In this research, which is a descriptive-analytical method, an attempt has been made to discuss and explore the intellectual foundations of the mentioned definitions and interpretations while examining different definitions of the concept of freedom in Islam and liberalism. Finally, this article, by rooting in different ontology and anthropology in Islam and liberalism, has compared the relationship between freedom and concepts such as law, spirituality, value, limitation, ideas, thinking and justice in two schools.Freedom has always been one of the most important concerns of human life and is of particular importance in all theological and material schools. Among the schools, Islam and liberalism's perception of this category is very common and there have been many discussions about it. The concept of freedom has the most important place in the intellectual system of liberalism. Liberalists have presented negative definitions of freedom, in the sense that in order to achieve prosperity, a person must be free from all constraints, which, of course, is limited only by the freedom of others in order to avoid chaos

One of the disputed concepts throughout history is the concept of justice, and since injustice is associated with oppression and hegemony, these two concepts are often used together. Different schools have defined these concepts in different ways and have emphasized their specific dimensions and angles, so that the true and transcendent concept of justice has always been disputed. In the meantime, some theories such as neo-realism, representing the positivist approach, have clearly defined these concepts in the form of instrumental rationality, which has caused the reaction of post-positivism theories. They object to instrumental rationality and the calculation of material profit and loss, which is the basis of action in positivist theories.The purpose of the current research is to investigate the position of justice and hegemony in different theories of international relations with descriptive-adaptive method. Since all theories have some sort of meta-theoretical commitment and present their discussions through this lens, the current research has examined the concepts of justice and hegemony in the theory of neorealism, in addition to critical theory, the English school and constructivism representing the post-positivism spectrum, as well as Islam through the lens of meta-theoretical issues. The article seeks to understand whether Islamic justice is conceptually compatible with the definitions of justice presented by non-religious thinkers, especially Western ones, or whether it basically expresses a different concept.In this sense, the ontological, epistemological and methodological topics of different theories have been proposed and compared with each other, and based on this, the concepts of justice and domination have been examined.The main question is, considering the meta-theoretical issues, what are the views of positivist, post-positivism and Islam theories about justice and hegemony? The hypothesis is that all schools and theories have only dealt with one dimension of a multi-dimensional truth and have not paid attention to its other dimensions and pillars; While Islam has dealt with this issue with a comprehensive approach and has paid attention to justice from different angles.

we have tried to ponder the relationship between "religion and nationality", which is undoubtedly one of the most important issues of Iranian and Islamic identity. obvious the importance of this issue and drawing the sphere and nature of religion and nationality in the light of the discourse of modernity and the traditional-religious discourse of the Islamic Republic. The selected thinkers in the article are prominent and well-known Islamic scholars of Iran in the last hundred years who have dealt with the relationship between Islam and nationalism. First, we will deal with the relationship between religion and nationalism in the modern era, and then I will explain the relationship between Islam and nationalism in the intellectual system of religious thinkers in contemporary Iran. we have tried to ponder the relationship between "religion and nationality", which is undoubtedly one of the most important issues of Iranian and Islamic identity. obvious the importance of this issue and drawing the sphere and nature of religion and nationality in the light of the discourse of modernity and the traditional-religious discourse of the Islamic Republic. The selected thinkers in the article are prominent and well-known Islamic scholars of Iran in the last hundred years who have dealt with the relationship between Islam and nationalism. First, we will deal with the relationship between religion and nationalism in the modern era, and then I will explain the relationship between Islam and nationalism in the intellectual system of religious thinkers in contemporary Iran.

One of the basic issues that is often discussed in theory and rarely implemented in the current international system is moral values such as justice, peace and human rights. Due to the practical policy of great powers, the violation of moral values around the world, in the current situation, more than ever, there are questions about the place and role of moral and human values in international politics. The question with the aim of examining the place of moral values in the theories of international relations is: What is the position of moral values in international relations theories? Considering that basically the social matter includes a moral meaning, the hypothesis is that there is a moral space in all theories of international relations. Therefore, all theories that are against positivist views in the field of international relations are directly or indirectly related to moral values and have paid attention to it. Nevertheless, in the international system, the criterion of moral behavior of governments is their national interests, which is based on the positivist approach. This research has investigated the position of moral values in positivist, post-positivist approaches, including critical theory, postmodernism, and constructivism, with a descriptive-analytical method and with a comparative perspective, and has compared it with the position of moral values in Islam. Considering that the amount of attention to the dimensions of moral values is affected by the nature, type and scope of each theory, this problem has been done by analyzing ontological, epistemological and methodological transtheoretical bases.

The concept of justice has long held a special place in human thought and has always been a subject of discussion and examination among philosophers,theologians,and intellectuals.Given that one of the analytical shortcomings of critical theoretical approaches is the influence of assumptions and viewpointsofreligious leaders,the present research endeavors to examine this issue from such a perspective.Undoubtedly, Martyr Motahhari and Martyr Sadr are among the prominent thinkers ofthe present centuryin the fieldof the philosophy of justice,who have played a significant role in explaining and interpreting justice and its analytical indicators.Therefore,the examination of the philosophical ideas of these two thinkersin studying the subject of justice in comparison with Western intellectuals has been highlighted. Hence, the main question ofthis article is what are the differences and similaritiesin the concept of justice between the perspectives of Western thinkers and the Islamic thoughts of Martyr Motahhari andMartyr Sadr?The research findings indicate their commonalities inthe divine nature of the basis of justice, criticism of models such as communism and liberalism,the necessity of justice forthe happiness of humanity and society,and the government's duty to establish justice.However,the criticism leveled against them isthat they have only addressed one dimensionof the multidimensional truth and have not paid attention to other aspects and elements,while Islam has addressedthis issue comprehensively anddiscussed justice from various angles sothatno one's right is violated in Islamic society.This article, using a descriptive-analytical and comparative method and benefiting from library resources,first examines the evolution of justice in the West and Islam and then logically compares them.

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

Violence against women, as one of the complex social, cultural and legal issues, has always attracted the attention of many researchers and human rights activists. In Muslim countries, this phenomenon is influenced by various factors, including cultural and traditional beliefs, national laws and different religious interpretations. Especially in societies where traditional interpretations of Islam are used as the basis for legislation and social policies, violence against women is often justified by specific interpretations of Sharia and religious rulings. The ambiguity lies in how different religious, social and economic interpretations fuel violence against women in Muslim societies? This article attempts to analyze the causes and factors of violence against women in Muslim countries with a view to women's rights in Islam, using a descriptive analytical approach, and to examine the relationship between different interpretations of religious sources and the methods of violence in these societies. In this regard, social, economic and cultural challenges are also examined that may increase or decrease violence against women in these societies. The aim of this article is to provide appropriate solutions to combat violence against women in Muslim countries through a comprehensive and detailed analysis of these factors. Ultimately, the conclusion is that the most important factors affecting the occurrence of violence against women in Muslim countries are a set of cultural, social, religious, and legal factors that have led to different interpretations of Islam.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) elucidates the individual rights and freedoms enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It transforms them into a binding legal instrument and the cornerstone of international thought on promoting and protecting civil and political rights. Tunisia and Morocco, both Muslim-majority states party to the ICCPR, have enacted legislative reforms to advance human rights in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings of 2010. This study focuses on four key areas—women’s rights, freedom of expression, freedom of religion and belief, and the criminal rights of defendants and offenders—to comparatively analyze the status of these indicators and associated legal dimensions in Tunisia and Morocco relative to these states’ commitments under the ICCPR and their respective constitutions during the period 2010-2020. This qualitative study, employing descriptive and comparative data analysis and a comprehensive review of relevant literature, delves into the legal and operational discrepancies between the foundational beliefs and cultural norms regarding human rights in the context of international legal obligations. The study assesses the impact of the Middle East’s post-2010 transformations on the tension between domestic constitutional provisions and the two states’ commitments to the ICCPR. Findings indicate several factors contribute to the gap between the states’ commitments to the ICCPR and their actual measures. These include alternative legal provisions enacted through domestic legislation, political considerations, the need to maintain power, the importance of attention to Islamic Sharia, cultural factors, societal characteristics, and a lack of adequate enforcement mechanisms.

In this regard, the current research tries to investigate the position of women in the family in two Islamic and Western legal discourses, and especially the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the country of Canada, tries to investigate the issue of women's rights in the family institution. The main question of this article is as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family? In response to this question, the main hypothesis of the article stipulates: Western legal discourse, especially in countries like Canada, with a materialistic and reductionist view, considers the position and rights of women in the family in her individuality and freedom, and it is based on the dimensions He compiles his sexuality and material; This has been formulated in the Islamic discourse based on the rights and duties of women in the sacred sphere of the family and its constructive role in human education and excellence.

A review of the literature and research conducted in the field of comparative analysis of legal systems and discourses clearly shows that less research in this field has investigated women's rights in the two legal systems of Iran and Canada. Meanwhile, only one article has been compiled in this field, and most of the works are about women's rights in the family in Islam, Iran, or other countries such as France, England, and America. From this point of view, this article has innovation and tries to provide the ground for further research in this field. In the following, we try to examine the most important and closest articles in terms of content and topic.Maruti et al. (2019) in the article "Comparative study of women's legal system discourses in Iran and Sweden" discussed the issue of abortion and women's rights in this matter; The author has concluded that the prevalence and prosperity of women's absolute freedom in countries like Sweden is due to the prevalence of "freedom of choice" theories, which emphasize the absolute freedom of the "body" with a philosophical view of the world, and against the discourse Divine laws in the legal system of a country like Iran arise from the duality of right/duty, which is the continuation of the divine view of human existence, therefore, absolute and unbridled freedom cannot be believed.Zainaldini and Razavi (2019) in the article "Investigating the requirements for the entry of the property sharing system into the structure of the family financial system in the laws of Iran with a view to the laws of the province of Quebec/Canada" talked about two models of financial order in the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada and has concluded that the legal system of the Quebec state of Canada, believing in the equality of rights and responsibilities of couples in the family; The financial system presents the property sharing of spouses as a legal financial regime for the family, in which men and women share each other's income in the family; But in Iran's legal system, following the model provided by Imami jurisprudence, couples have chosen "financial independence".In the article "Comparative study of female alimony in the laws of Iran, England and America" ​​(2013) Tashet and Hejbari discussed the issue of the right to alimony from the economic rights of women in the family. In this article, the authors have concluded that "in the legal laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, alimony is the responsibility of the man, and in the common legal system, it is the responsibility of the husband and wife, and in the comparison between these two models of Iranian law, with regard to the duties that are customary for couples It is defined in the family as being closer to justice. Also, the receipt of alimony by a woman depends on fulfilling her duty towards her husband (obedience), while in common law, the financial need of the spouses is a condition for the obligation of alimony, and apparently as soon as the marriage contract is concluded or without the marriage contract and cohabitation for a period of time. Special payment becomes obligatory.Abbasi and Ramezani (1400) in the article "Women's non-financial rights in Iran's legal system and its compatibility with international documents" have made women's non-financial rights the principle and concluded: Women's non-financial rights in international documents and in the legal system Iran has been formulated under the shadow of cultural and ideological considerations and political-social developments, and these rights have always been formulated under the dominance and structure of the male approach, and it has not been able to realize women's rights in the non-financial dimension.Johnson (2017) in the article "Family Matters: Gender Justice and Success of Litigation in Canada's Supreme Courts" tries to examine the issue of gender justice in the family and family litigation in Canada and has concluded that in the courts Supreme Court of Canada, female judges pay more attention to women's rights than male judges and have caused many successes in family disputes for women and have been able to establish more gender justice in the realization of women's rights.

This article has been compiled using the descriptive-analytical method and has collected its data and information through documentary and library methods.
4. ConclusionIn this article, an attempt was made to examine the status and rights of women in the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Canada with a comparative perspective. In this regard, the main question of the article was as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family? In order to answer this question and based on the research done in this article, it should be said that the two Islamic and Western legal discourses regarding women's rights have basic differences. A woman has great dignity in the Islamic discourse because of the expectations and duties that are expected from her in the form of building a family. The subsequent legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is based on Imamiyyah jurisprudence and Islamic teachings, has taken a family-oriented approach and by adopting the discourse of legal propriety for women in the family. These rights are all in line with the role of women as the main pillar of the family. On the other hand, the Canadian legal system, influenced by the doctrines of individualism, libertarianism, materialism, and feminism, has tried to regulate the rights and position of women in the family like men by adopting a subordinate and analogical approach. From this point of view, women's economic and non-economic rights have been drawn and compiled in a completely equal way without any difference in the roles and responsibilities of men and women within the framework of the family. In this system, the family is the product of a completely biological choice that can be started and ended at any time by the will of one or both couples; Regarding the economic rights in Iran's legal system, the man is responsible for securing and realizing the economic rights of the woman, and for this purpose, he imposes various models (dowry, alimony, etc.) Building and managing the family should be provided by the woman. It is for this reason that the financial system of the family in Iran's legal system is based on the system of financial independence; But in the Canadian legal system, this financial system is based on the sharing of property and assets by men and women; because each of them is equally responsible for the economic provision of the family; And according to this common procedure, they can choose multiple models of the family financial system. Regarding women's non-economic rights, it should be said that the legal system in Iran has tried to protect women's rights and legitimate and legal freedoms against men. For this purpose, it has considered ten rights in its civil and family laws for women to guarantee their rights. Also, these rights guarantee a woman's active role in performing the tasks expected of her in the family; This means that the duality of right/obligation has been seen by the legal and the legislator; In this way, if rights are considered for the woman in the family, it is for the purpose of doing the tasks that have been asked of her; And this duality has been based on the natural need of man to form a family and the active role of men and women for the promotion and excellence of this social institution. However, the non-economic rights of women in Canada, which are formulated at the core of the unwritten system of common law and based on subject requirements in the courts, are set with emphasis on femininity and gender justice to guarantee the preservation of individuality and freedom of women in the field. His numerous personal and public. Therefore, in this system, due to the emphasis on the individuality and freedom of the woman in regulating her rights and status, the concept of family does not have its Eastern and Islamic meaning and is merely an interpersonal contract that was formed during a historical process in the society and is changing day by day. The benefit of feminist demands goes to the sidelines and takes a nuclear form. In the following table, we can discuss the most important differences between these two legal discourses.

This research was conducted to investigate the relationship between tradition and modernity in Ali Shariati's thought. Ali Shariati was one of the thinkers who was aware of both the system of tradition and the potential of modernity. He lived in a time when the Iranian society was involved in many issues and problems. Therefore, Shariati tried to pathologize it on the one hand by understanding tradition, and on the other hand, by understanding modernity, extract its conceptual and theoretical capacities. It seems that Shariati was not looking for polarization between tradition and modernity, but he was trying to understand their capacities before anything else. Ali Shariati, as a member of the Islamic thought stream, sought to reconstruct religion in a modern state. Her call to recognize the identity, return to oneself and revolutionary self-improvement, was an approach resulting from the conscious recognition that she had towards the internal problems of the Iranian society and especially its young generation. At the height of the tyranny of the Shah's regime and the dominance of Marxism theory, Shariati believed that the school of Islam is the only liberating element for Muslims and that Islam and the Qur'an should be cleansed of historical superstitions and distortions by reinterpreting them and relying on the religious conscience of the people in order to face the dictatorship. His narration of the modern and traditional pillars of civil society and his cultural critique of these pillars are placed in the realm of religious intellectuals. Shariati's view does not require the negation of tradition and religion and the replacement of modern ideas or vice versa; Rather, he was a critic of both, through the use of symbolic sources of tradition and liberating elements of modernity.

The methodology of this research was based on an interpretive approach. This interpretive approach has tried to go beyond the dualization of tradition and modernity in terms of the theoretical framework and re-examine this relationship according to the considerations of sociologists of Reflexive modernization.

Shariati gave answers to the questions of his time. These answers were the solutions for the revival of Islam in the modern world, criticizing the West and making critical use of it, as well as creating a fundamental transformation in the history of Islamic nations to overcome backwardness and colonialism.  According to Shariati, one of the factors of alienation in our era is cultural colonialism. An opinion that is reminiscent of the culture industry of the Frankfurt School. Colonialism appears in political, economic and cultural forms. Shariati was well aware that the contemporary history was not without movements and revolutions, and merely inciting the movement is not enough, so there should be a pathology of the past movements as well. Therefore, with his summary of the contemporary history of Iran and the history of the world, he came to the conclusion that one of the reasons for the failure of movements and revolutions in Iran, from the constitutional revolution onwards, is the lack of a liberating ideology that fits the history, culture and religion of this society. So, he tried to recreate such an ideology. This liberating ideology, like the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, should have criticized the totality of the existing social structure.
The final

Shariati, like most intellectuals after the constitutional revolution, stood in the gap between tradition and modernity. He knew very well that according to the used historical interpretations, the reserves of tradition, although they have good capacities, but like any everyday phenomenon, they have lost their revolutionary power, so they need to be defamiliarized so that they can be mobilized for the contemporary situation. On the other hand, Shariati was not a passive modern thinker who unquestioningly accepted the totality of imported and borrowed modernity. Rather, he had a critical and re-thinking reflection on modernity and accepted a re-thought form of it. While looking deeply into his historical features, Shariati is aware of both the weight of tradition and the effects of modernity. Therefore, he never wants tradition to prevail over modernity, or modernity to throw tradition aside. He tries to open a third way by criticizing both modernity and tradition. His method, with a rethinking approach, was refining and extracting cultural resources.

There have been longstanding theoretical differences among Iranian thinkers regarding the relationship between Islam and democracy or republicanism and Islamism. Given Imam Khomeini’s pivotal role in the dominant discourse, this research is an attempt to study the reading and narratives of Iranian researchers of Imam Khomeini’s thought.  In the first place, this will help us find out what narratives are there about the relationship between republicanism and Islamism in Imam Khomeini’s thought; and, secondly it will be useful in finding out the weight of these narratives, which will show which narrative is the dominant one. Employing documental method in studying the findings of the works of Persian researchers inside Iran, attempts have been made to provide answer to the research questions. The findings of this research indicate that there are four narratives about this relationship: The researches arguing that Imam Khomeini had an instrumental approach to republicanism; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was an important and original part of his thought; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was based on the imperatives of time and was an inevitable principle; and the researches that lay emphasis on the legality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. However, the second approach is the dominant one. Hence, it seems that the understanding of the academic community of Imam’s thought is that of originality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. Moreover, according to this, there is no essential contradiction between republicanism and Islamism, rather each should take its proper place and analyzed from the same perspective.

The intellectual life of Shaygan is divided into three periods: early, middle, and late. His book, "Asia against the West", was written in the early period of his life with the aim of protecting the Iranian, Asian culture and identity vis-à-vis the West. The main objective of this research is to find out Shaygan’s approach to the idea of ​​national identity and oriental culture in this book. He tried to make a distinction between the Western philosophy and Asian civilization and save Eastern mysticism, which is based on piety and inner purity, from the harms of modernism. His approach to the issue of identity had a nationalist orientation and his criterion in encountering Western cultural invasions was focusing on the Iranian traditional and ethnic concepts. He directed the identity of the current Muslim community to the Iranian-Eastern culture instead of leading and guiding it towards the Quranic Islamic identity. On the other hand, due to his special attachment to Asian mysticisms, he has ignored the essential conflict between Islam and Eastern schools. This research is an attempt to critically examine the main early ideas of Shaygan in the mentioned book. The necessary data was collected from library resources and analyzed through descriptive-analytical method.Keywords: Islam, identity, eastern schools, modernism, Shaygan

In the Modernization process, Muslim societies face many problems that sometimes appear in political form, sometimes in economic form, sometimes in social form. The huge volume of these problems has not only delayed the development process, but even stopped it and caused cycles of corruption and crisis of legitimacy. A group of Muslim thinkers believe that most of these problems have cultural-civilizational roots, i.e., the passage of time will not change the nature of these problems. We are still dealing with the intellectual problems that the Muslims faced a few centuries ago. As a result, Muslim thinkers prioritize the theories that use the internal possibilities of culture to solve these problems. This article, using library sources and employing descriptive-analytical method, is an attempt to find answer to the following question: How Muslim thinkers use "tradition" for development. According to these thinkers, the tradition still provides us with the most important facilitating ideas; the ideas that are compatible with the characteristics of the Muslim communities and are away from the simplifying West-oriented or East-oriented theories.

One paramount concern facing contemporary humanity, arising from both national and international governance methodologies, is the outbreak of armed conflicts. These conflicts not only infringe upon individuals' right to a peaceful existence but also yield detrimental material and spiritual repercussions. In response to this pressing concern, some intellectuals have embraced a rights-based approach to peace, advocating for its recognition in legal and political discourse as a fundamental human right termed the "right to peace." This right can serve as a cornerstone for all stakeholders, particularly governments, in their domestic and international dealings. Central to this research is the pivotal question regarding the effects and outcomes of adopting a rights-based approach to peace within the realm of governance, as viewed through the lens of international documents and Islamic doctrines. Embracing governance founded on a rights-based approach to peace is anticipated to yield manifold positive consequences. These include the consolidation of sustainable peace, the establishment of security, facilitation of progress and development, s afeguarding of human rights, and the protection of basic freedoms.

The desired model of governance based on Islamic values ​​has been one of the ideals of Muslim thinkers to expand justice based on authentic Islam. The Islamic Revolution can be considered a manifestation of this model in today's era, which articulated Islamic values ​​in the form of a government. Therefore, the necessity of this research is to examine justice, security, and sustainability while meeting the basic needs of society and to internalize the position of the people and justice in it more than ever before. The goal is to present a model based on the desired model of Islamic governance that can be realized in the Islamic Republic. The question is to what extent has the desired model of governance based on Islamic values ​​been implemented in expanding justice and the position of the people after the Islamic Revolution? The findings indicate that although the Islamic Revolution emerged with the slogan of justice and finding the place of the people in the Islamic society, it seems that in its process, it has become sick of justice-oriented monologues that critics and protesters who are from the people should be allowed to express their opinions on economic, political, social, and cultural aspects. The research method is qualitative and descriptive-analytical. Undoubtedly, human society always needs a government structure to meet needs that are not possible except through the establishment of a government. However, in the process of forming power, or after the establishment of a government, people in the government institution, due to their excessive and superior nature, may place power on a path that leads to the domination of "Taghut". Whatever Islam has presented as a "religion" has been as a guide for man towards God, and in this path, the model presented by religion regarding government falls within this framework.

The pursuit of establishing a new Islamic civilization and countering prevailing deviant discourses requires a nuanced understanding of power, firmly rooted in religious principles and aligned with authentic human experiences. This necessitates the development of a comprehensive theoretical framework. This research leverages the jurisprudential teachings of Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified) and his interpretation of the hadith "The Three Knowledges" to explore the meaningful relationships among the three levels of humanity, the three domains of jurisprudence, and the three principal areas of vital sciences. The interconnections among these elements and their multifaceted impacts form the foundation of this study and contribute to the construction of a "jurisprudential theoretical framework." By integrating power within this framework, the concept of "jurisprudential power" is introduced, providing the basis for the "formulation of jurisprudential power." This article elaborates on the definitions of the various fields of jurisprudence, examines their thematic elements, and delineates their respective missions and functions in both individual and societal contexts. Additionally, it analyzes the six-dimensional effects of these fields of jurisprudence, addressing both their reinforcing and diminishing influences. The findings yield a novel conceptualization of the semantic system, hierarchies, missions, objectives, examples, and effects of power, collectively referred to as the "theoretical framework of jurisprudence," with the aim of promoting humanization and civilization. The study employs a descriptive-analytical methodology supported by comprehensive library research.

The common perception among scholars is that although the northern and southern lands of the Arabian Peninsula had a long history of state formation, the ignorant Arabs of the Hejaz lived in statelessness until the resurrection of the Messenger of God and the invitation of the religion of Islam, the first The form of government was established in Medina. In this study, assuming the state in the most general sense that it includes any rational and customary order of political order, has shown that the history of the formation of the state, at least, more than two hundred years ago Islam and the domination of the Quraysh tribe that Hejaz is one of the purest Arab tribes, he returns. Qusay ibn Kalab ibn Marah or Quraysh was the one who saved the Quraysh families from dispersal and united them in the form of the establishment of a tribal political system and made the city of Mecca as the center of its rule. In addition to the political order, he organized the city of Mecca economically and religiously with the idea of ​​Al-Nadwa. Thus, many indicators of government formation can be seen in pre-Islamic pre-Islamic Arabia. Basically, the most important reason for Makyan to have a government is the intensity of the opposition of the polytheists and infidels to the invitation of the Messenger of God before and after his migration to Medina.

Iran and Saudi Arabia have had ups and downs relations since the Islamic revolution. Although the trend of these relations has been towards tension, interaction and friendship can also be seen in the behavior of the two countries in short periods. Beyond the ideological confrontation between the two countries, both of which see themselves in the position of Dar al-Islam, the issue that appears to be important is the periodic events that have led the relations between the two countries to darkness, and one of these events is the Mena incident in 2014. It was in Saudi Arabia that pushed the tensions between the two countries to an all-out crisis, and we can still identify the shadow of this crisis after nearly a decade. What is the nature of the political gap between the two countries needs a serious pathology. The necessity of discussion and its importance lies in the fact that both countries are Muslim and their interaction can include the interests of Muslims and Islamic countries more than confrontation. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to find the root cause and how of the tensions between the two countries after the Mena incident. What is the reason for Iran's confrontation and how to interact in Iran-Saudi relations after the Mena incident? From the Mena incident to the year 1402 when the interaction between the two countries resumed, relations are considered fragile. Regarding the nature of these tensions, in this article we discussed the unresolved historical problems, the aggressive form of the Islamic Republic for Saudi Arabia and the Mena incident as a huge crisis. The Shiite place in foreign policy was mentioned in order to create interaction between the two countries.