جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « islam » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The main discourses of Iran during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic revolution are Western and Islamic discourses. In these two discourses, there is a lot of ambiguity regarding the indicators of political development, and this issue has not been investigated in the framework of the discourse analysis method. The main question is the most important commonalities and differences between these two discourses. The most important difference is the presence or absence of the element of religion in their chain of equivalence, and that they look at political development with different central signifiers, and what they both have in common is affinity in the floating signifiers that find different meanings in the chain of equivalence of the two discourses. . The final goal of the article is to compare the approach of political development discourses during the Pahlavi era and the Islamic Revolution. To prove the hypothesis, the discourses of political development in this era were analyzed with discourse analysis and comparative methods. Pahlavi discourse emphasizes the indicators of political development in the framework of secularism and Islamic discourse emphasizes these indicators in the framework of religion. In Pahlavi's discourse, despite the desire for western models of political development, due to the existence of opposite elements such as popular participation and tyranny in the equivalence chain, the growth of political development indicators is not observed even in its western form. But in the Islamic discourse, political development as a floating signifier in relation to the central signifier i.e. authentic Islam, found a completely different meaning. In this discourse, due to the absence of signs of tyranny, as well as special attention to issues such as public participation, political development indicators have enjoyed significant growth.

This research was conducted to investigate the relationship between tradition and modernity in Ali Shariati's thought. Ali Shariati was one of the thinkers who was aware of both the system of tradition and the potential of modernity. He lived in a time when the Iranian society was involved in many issues and problems. Therefore, Shariati tried to pathologize it on the one hand by understanding tradition, and on the other hand, by understanding modernity, extract its conceptual and theoretical capacities. It seems that Shariati was not looking for polarization between tradition and modernity, but he was trying to understand their capacities before anything else. Ali Shariati, as a member of the Islamic thought stream, sought to reconstruct religion in a modern state. Her call to recognize the identity, return to oneself and revolutionary self-improvement, was an approach resulting from the conscious recognition that she had towards the internal problems of the Iranian society and especially its young generation. At the height of the tyranny of the Shah's regime and the dominance of Marxism theory, Shariati believed that the school of Islam is the only liberating element for Muslims and that Islam and the Qur'an should be cleansed of historical superstitions and distortions by reinterpreting them and relying on the religious conscience of the people in order to face the dictatorship. His narration of the modern and traditional pillars of civil society and his cultural critique of these pillars are placed in the realm of religious intellectuals. Shariati's view does not require the negation of tradition and religion and the replacement of modern ideas or vice versa; Rather, he was a critic of both, through the use of symbolic sources of tradition and liberating elements of modernity.

The methodology of this research was based on an interpretive approach. This interpretive approach has tried to go beyond the dualization of tradition and modernity in terms of the theoretical framework and re-examine this relationship according to the considerations of sociologists of Reflexive modernization.

Shariati gave answers to the questions of his time. These answers were the solutions for the revival of Islam in the modern world, criticizing the West and making critical use of it, as well as creating a fundamental transformation in the history of Islamic nations to overcome backwardness and colonialism.  According to Shariati, one of the factors of alienation in our era is cultural colonialism. An opinion that is reminiscent of the culture industry of the Frankfurt School. Colonialism appears in political, economic and cultural forms. Shariati was well aware that the contemporary history was not without movements and revolutions, and merely inciting the movement is not enough, so there should be a pathology of the past movements as well. Therefore, with his summary of the contemporary history of Iran and the history of the world, he came to the conclusion that one of the reasons for the failure of movements and revolutions in Iran, from the constitutional revolution onwards, is the lack of a liberating ideology that fits the history, culture and religion of this society. So, he tried to recreate such an ideology. This liberating ideology, like the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, should have criticized the totality of the existing social structure.
The final

Shariati, like most intellectuals after the constitutional revolution, stood in the gap between tradition and modernity. He knew very well that according to the used historical interpretations, the reserves of tradition, although they have good capacities, but like any everyday phenomenon, they have lost their revolutionary power, so they need to be defamiliarized so that they can be mobilized for the contemporary situation. On the other hand, Shariati was not a passive modern thinker who unquestioningly accepted the totality of imported and borrowed modernity. Rather, he had a critical and re-thinking reflection on modernity and accepted a re-thought form of it. While looking deeply into his historical features, Shariati is aware of both the weight of tradition and the effects of modernity. Therefore, he never wants tradition to prevail over modernity, or modernity to throw tradition aside. He tries to open a third way by criticizing both modernity and tradition. His method, with a rethinking approach, was refining and extracting cultural resources.

In this regard, the current research tries to investigate the position of women in the family in two Islamic and Western legal discourses, and especially the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the country of Canada, tries to investigate the issue of women's rights in the family institution. The main question of this article is as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family? In response to this question, the main hypothesis of the article stipulates: Western legal discourse, especially in countries like Canada, with a materialistic and reductionist view, considers the position and rights of women in the family in her individuality and freedom, and it is based on the dimensions He compiles his sexuality and material; This has been formulated in the Islamic discourse based on the rights and duties of women in the sacred sphere of the family and its constructive role in human education and excellence.

A review of the literature and research conducted in the field of comparative analysis of legal systems and discourses clearly shows that less research in this field has investigated women's rights in the two legal systems of Iran and Canada. Meanwhile, only one article has been compiled in this field, and most of the works are about women's rights in the family in Islam, Iran, or other countries such as France, England, and America. From this point of view, this article has innovation and tries to provide the ground for further research in this field. In the following, we try to examine the most important and closest articles in terms of content and topic.Maruti et al. (2019) in the article "Comparative study of women's legal system discourses in Iran and Sweden" discussed the issue of abortion and women's rights in this matter; The author has concluded that the prevalence and prosperity of women's absolute freedom in countries like Sweden is due to the prevalence of "freedom of choice" theories, which emphasize the absolute freedom of the "body" with a philosophical view of the world, and against the discourse Divine laws in the legal system of a country like Iran arise from the duality of right/duty, which is the continuation of the divine view of human existence, therefore, absolute and unbridled freedom cannot be believed.Zainaldini and Razavi (2019) in the article "Investigating the requirements for the entry of the property sharing system into the structure of the family financial system in the laws of Iran with a view to the laws of the province of Quebec/Canada" talked about two models of financial order in the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada and has concluded that the legal system of the Quebec state of Canada, believing in the equality of rights and responsibilities of couples in the family; The financial system presents the property sharing of spouses as a legal financial regime for the family, in which men and women share each other's income in the family; But in Iran's legal system, following the model provided by Imami jurisprudence, couples have chosen "financial independence".In the article "Comparative study of female alimony in the laws of Iran, England and America" ​​(2013) Tashet and Hejbari discussed the issue of the right to alimony from the economic rights of women in the family. In this article, the authors have concluded that "in the legal laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, alimony is the responsibility of the man, and in the common legal system, it is the responsibility of the husband and wife, and in the comparison between these two models of Iranian law, with regard to the duties that are customary for couples It is defined in the family as being closer to justice. Also, the receipt of alimony by a woman depends on fulfilling her duty towards her husband (obedience), while in common law, the financial need of the spouses is a condition for the obligation of alimony, and apparently as soon as the marriage contract is concluded or without the marriage contract and cohabitation for a period of time. Special payment becomes obligatory.Abbasi and Ramezani (1400) in the article "Women's non-financial rights in Iran's legal system and its compatibility with international documents" have made women's non-financial rights the principle and concluded: Women's non-financial rights in international documents and in the legal system Iran has been formulated under the shadow of cultural and ideological considerations and political-social developments, and these rights have always been formulated under the dominance and structure of the male approach, and it has not been able to realize women's rights in the non-financial dimension.Johnson (2017) in the article "Family Matters: Gender Justice and Success of Litigation in Canada's Supreme Courts" tries to examine the issue of gender justice in the family and family litigation in Canada and has concluded that in the courts Supreme Court of Canada, female judges pay more attention to women's rights than male judges and have caused many successes in family disputes for women and have been able to establish more gender justice in the realization of women's rights.

This article has been compiled using the descriptive-analytical method and has collected its data and information through documentary and library methods.
4. ConclusionIn this article, an attempt was made to examine the status and rights of women in the two legal systems of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Canada with a comparative perspective. In this regard, the main question of the article was as follows: In the two legal discourses of Iran and Canada, what position and rights does a woman have in the family? In order to answer this question and based on the research done in this article, it should be said that the two Islamic and Western legal discourses regarding women's rights have basic differences. A woman has great dignity in the Islamic discourse because of the expectations and duties that are expected from her in the form of building a family. The subsequent legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is based on Imamiyyah jurisprudence and Islamic teachings, has taken a family-oriented approach and by adopting the discourse of legal propriety for women in the family. These rights are all in line with the role of women as the main pillar of the family. On the other hand, the Canadian legal system, influenced by the doctrines of individualism, libertarianism, materialism, and feminism, has tried to regulate the rights and position of women in the family like men by adopting a subordinate and analogical approach. From this point of view, women's economic and non-economic rights have been drawn and compiled in a completely equal way without any difference in the roles and responsibilities of men and women within the framework of the family. In this system, the family is the product of a completely biological choice that can be started and ended at any time by the will of one or both couples; Regarding the economic rights in Iran's legal system, the man is responsible for securing and realizing the economic rights of the woman, and for this purpose, he imposes various models (dowry, alimony, etc.) Building and managing the family should be provided by the woman. It is for this reason that the financial system of the family in Iran's legal system is based on the system of financial independence; But in the Canadian legal system, this financial system is based on the sharing of property and assets by men and women; because each of them is equally responsible for the economic provision of the family; And according to this common procedure, they can choose multiple models of the family financial system. Regarding women's non-economic rights, it should be said that the legal system in Iran has tried to protect women's rights and legitimate and legal freedoms against men. For this purpose, it has considered ten rights in its civil and family laws for women to guarantee their rights. Also, these rights guarantee a woman's active role in performing the tasks expected of her in the family; This means that the duality of right/obligation has been seen by the legal and the legislator; In this way, if rights are considered for the woman in the family, it is for the purpose of doing the tasks that have been asked of her; And this duality has been based on the natural need of man to form a family and the active role of men and women for the promotion and excellence of this social institution. However, the non-economic rights of women in Canada, which are formulated at the core of the unwritten system of common law and based on subject requirements in the courts, are set with emphasis on femininity and gender justice to guarantee the preservation of individuality and freedom of women in the field. His numerous personal and public. Therefore, in this system, due to the emphasis on the individuality and freedom of the woman in regulating her rights and status, the concept of family does not have its Eastern and Islamic meaning and is merely an interpersonal contract that was formed during a historical process in the society and is changing day by day. The benefit of feminist demands goes to the sidelines and takes a nuclear form. In the following table, we can discuss the most important differences between these two legal discourses.

The intellectual life of Shaygan is divided into three periods: early, middle, and late. His book, "Asia against the West", was written in the early period of his life with the aim of protecting the Iranian, Asian culture and identity vis-à-vis the West. The main objective of this research is to find out Shaygan’s approach to the idea of ​​national identity and oriental culture in this book. He tried to make a distinction between the Western philosophy and Asian civilization and save Eastern mysticism, which is based on piety and inner purity, from the harms of modernism. His approach to the issue of identity had a nationalist orientation and his criterion in encountering Western cultural invasions was focusing on the Iranian traditional and ethnic concepts. He directed the identity of the current Muslim community to the Iranian-Eastern culture instead of leading and guiding it towards the Quranic Islamic identity. On the other hand, due to his special attachment to Asian mysticisms, he has ignored the essential conflict between Islam and Eastern schools. This research is an attempt to critically examine the main early ideas of Shaygan in the mentioned book. The necessary data was collected from library resources and analyzed through descriptive-analytical method.Keywords: Islam, identity, eastern schools, modernism, Shaygan

There have been longstanding theoretical differences among Iranian thinkers regarding the relationship between Islam and democracy or republicanism and Islamism. Given Imam Khomeini’s pivotal role in the dominant discourse, this research is an attempt to study the reading and narratives of Iranian researchers of Imam Khomeini’s thought.  In the first place, this will help us find out what narratives are there about the relationship between republicanism and Islamism in Imam Khomeini’s thought; and, secondly it will be useful in finding out the weight of these narratives, which will show which narrative is the dominant one. Employing documental method in studying the findings of the works of Persian researchers inside Iran, attempts have been made to provide answer to the research questions. The findings of this research indicate that there are four narratives about this relationship: The researches arguing that Imam Khomeini had an instrumental approach to republicanism; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was an important and original part of his thought; the researches arguing that Imam’s approach to republicanism was based on the imperatives of time and was an inevitable principle; and the researches that lay emphasis on the legality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. However, the second approach is the dominant one. Hence, it seems that the understanding of the academic community of Imam’s thought is that of originality of the idea of republicanism in Imam’s thought. Moreover, according to this, there is no essential contradiction between republicanism and Islamism, rather each should take its proper place and analyzed from the same perspective.

In the Modernization process, Muslim societies face many problems that sometimes appear in political form, sometimes in economic form, sometimes in social form. The huge volume of these problems has not only delayed the development process, but even stopped it and caused cycles of corruption and crisis of legitimacy. A group of Muslim thinkers believe that most of these problems have cultural-civilizational roots, i.e., the passage of time will not change the nature of these problems. We are still dealing with the intellectual problems that the Muslims faced a few centuries ago. As a result, Muslim thinkers prioritize the theories that use the internal possibilities of culture to solve these problems. This article, using library sources and employing descriptive-analytical method, is an attempt to find answer to the following question: How Muslim thinkers use "tradition" for development. According to these thinkers, the tradition still provides us with the most important facilitating ideas; the ideas that are compatible with the characteristics of the Muslim communities and are away from the simplifying West-oriented or East-oriented theories.

One paramount concern facing contemporary humanity, arising from both national and international governance methodologies, is the outbreak of armed conflicts. These conflicts not only infringe upon individuals' right to a peaceful existence but also yield detrimental material and spiritual repercussions. In response to this pressing concern, some intellectuals have embraced a rights-based approach to peace, advocating for its recognition in legal and political discourse as a fundamental human right termed the "right to peace." This right can serve as a cornerstone for all stakeholders, particularly governments, in their domestic and international dealings. Central to this research is the pivotal question regarding the effects and outcomes of adopting a rights-based approach to peace within the realm of governance, as viewed through the lens of international documents and Islamic doctrines. Embracing governance founded on a rights-based approach to peace is anticipated to yield manifold positive consequences. These include the consolidation of sustainable peace, the establishment of security, facilitation of progress and development, s afeguarding of human rights, and the protection of basic freedoms.

The common perception among scholars is that although the northern and southern lands of the Arabian Peninsula had a long history of state formation, the ignorant Arabs of the Hejaz lived in statelessness until the resurrection of the Messenger of God and the invitation of the religion of Islam, the first The form of government was established in Medina. In this study, assuming the state in the most general sense that it includes any rational and customary order of political order, has shown that the history of the formation of the state, at least, more than two hundred years ago Islam and the domination of the Quraysh tribe that Hejaz is one of the purest Arab tribes, he returns. Qusay ibn Kalab ibn Marah or Quraysh was the one who saved the Quraysh families from dispersal and united them in the form of the establishment of a tribal political system and made the city of Mecca as the center of its rule. In addition to the political order, he organized the city of Mecca economically and religiously with the idea of ​​Al-Nadwa. Thus, many indicators of government formation can be seen in pre-Islamic pre-Islamic Arabia. Basically, the most important reason for Makyan to have a government is the intensity of the opposition of the polytheists and infidels to the invitation of the Messenger of God before and after his migration to Medina.

One of the most important tasks of any political system is to draw efficient strategies for drawing the geometry of interactions inside the country and facing political units in the field of international relations. For such a confrontation, the strategy of the second step of the Islamic revolution, based on the statement of the supreme leader of the revolution, is known as resistance. Examining the jurisprudential foundations of resistance in the Islamic Republic can determine the way of interaction with countries, institutions and international organizations. Therefore, the main problem of the research is, what is the position of the foundations of resistance desired by Ayatollah Khamenei in the system of Shia jurisprudence and which of the jurisprudential chapters can it be explained? The most important achievement of the present research is the explanation of the jurisprudential foundations of resistance as a determining component in the political and economic equations of the Islamic society and overcoming the challenges caused by the power seeking of the global domination system. The present research pursues this hypothesis that the concept of resistance intended by Ayatollah Khamenei can be explained with different chapters of jurisprudence such as defensive jihad, taqiyyah, amrba-maaruf, and the like. This research, with a descriptive and analytical method, during discussions and topics such as confronting tyranny inside the country and negation of domination, independence, achieving modern Islamic civilization in the field of international relations, deals with the jurisprudential explanation of the foundations of resistance in order to be able to provide a reasonable and comprehensive explanation of it. Muslims and intellectuals of the Islamic world.

The political system of Islam is based on religious principles and values, and the Muslim community continues to live by it. Religion as a main pillar in various aspects of human life has a fundamental and vital role, in other words, human life is based on religious menus. Contrary to this thinking, the prevailing view is secularism and custom, which believes in the minimal presence of religion in social spheres and in some cases the removal of religion from the social sphere and its presence in the individual dimension of human life. In this article, the authors intend to analyze and analyze the obstacles to the secularization of the political system in Islam using the method of content analysis and influenced by the intellectual and theoretical foundations of Ayatollah Javadi Amoli. The question is what are the obstacles to the secularization of the political system in Islam in the thoughts of Ayatollah Javadi Amoli and how can it be analyzed by the method of content analysis? The findings of the research show that in the belief and thinking of Ayatollah Javadi Amoli, obstacles such as correct and rational interpretation of the Holy Quran and religious principles, avoidance of eclecticism, avoidance of narcissism and narcissism, attention to leadership and implementation of his statements and the like It can protect Islamic societies against secularization.

The present study compares the views and opinions of two of the most prominent contemporary political philosophers in Iran and the world, Shahid Motahari (one of the most famous speakers in the two decades before the Islamic Revolution and one of the most influential people in the Islamic Republic) and Friedrich Hayek (one of the greatest economists). and political philosophers of the 20th century) about the concept of freedom. The results of the research show that freedom from Shahid Motahari's point of view is simpler than its concept in liberalism, and by creating "spiritual freedom" literature, he tries to point out another dimension of freedom that is neglected in the liberal view. Secondly, the basis of these two concepts have differences with each other; But now we have to look at the concept of "social freedom" which is a common word in Islam and liberal thought; What are the similarities and differences and to what extent can Shahid Motahari's view be considered as an explanation of the thought of pure Islam, converging with social freedom in its liberal sense. In a general summary, it can be said that freedom in Motahari's thought is more institutional and natural, and in Hayek's thought, it is followed institutionally and in relation to economic and political institutions.

Political parties are a new issue born in the new era of the West. There are different views on the relationship between this phenomenon and the political thought of Islam, from agreement to opposition. The present article is intended to present the issue of partisanship to Nahj al-Balagheh. For this purpose, at first, the research problem is carefully analyzed and a definition of the party is presented. In the next step, based on a brief understanding of the party on the one hand and the political thought in Nahj al-Balagheh on the other hand, an effort is made to extract the propositions and in other words the texts in Nahj al-Balagheh that can be related to the party and finally by combining and analyzing In these propositions, the author's understanding of the position of parties in the Imamat-Ummat system is presented based on Nahj al-Balagha. The summary shows that from the point of view of Nahj al-Balagheh, the party as a whole is accepted and the benefits obtained from the party can be put in the service of the Islamic system with care and culture.

The popularity of the divine government, in other words the influence of the popular vote on the legitimacy of the divine ruling in religious societies, especially in Islamic societies, has always been a subject of controversy among religious scholars and power-holders in political systems based on religion.In this field, in order to justify and justify their opinion, they have tried to rely on religious sources and texts and on Muslim scholars on the Qur'an and the tradition of the Prophet and the Imams. One of the most important cases of religious sovereignty in the sacred system of the Islamic Republic and among the most important religious sources in this regard is Nahj al-Balagha.The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to analyze the Imam Khomeini's speeches and to compare Imam Khomeini's speeches with that of the Imam Khomeini.You invited me and I was not interested in the caliphate"and the theoretical and practical adherence of Imam Khomeini is that such statements as"Even if people vote against their own will, that vote will determine the status of the nation. Was and has emergedThe popularity of the divine government, in other words the influence of the popular vote on the legitimacy of the divine ruling in religious societies, especially in Islamic societies, has always been a subject of controversy among religious scholars and power-holders in political systems based on religion.In this field, in order to justify and justify their opinion, they have tried to rely on religious sources and texts and on Muslim scholars on the Qur'an and the tradition of the Prophet and the Imams. One of the most important cases of religious sovereignty in the sacred system of the Islamic Republic and among the most important religious sources in this regard is Nahj al-Balagha.The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to analyze the Imam Khomeini's speeches and to compare Imam Khomeini's speeches with that of the Imam Khomeini.You invited me and I was not interested in the caliphate"and the theoretical and practical adherence of Imam Khomeini is that such statements as"Even if people vote against their own will

With the fall of Babylon and the domination of Cyrus, Mianrodan, which was the platform for the formation of ancient civilizations, became the decision-making center of Iranians to the extent that it is called the heart of Iranshahr. In this way, the thoughts and opinions of the Aryans were mixed with the opinions of the natives of the Semitic, Syrian and Hellenic civilizations in Mesopotamia. Mesopotamia or the heart of Iranshahr, which was called during the Islamic period of Iraq, witnessed various movements and intellectual currents against the Umayyad caliphate, some of whose teachings were in conflict with the foundations of Islamic thought. The occurrence of such thoughts and currents raises the basic question of how these thoughts got into the opinions of the intellectual, religious and political movements of Muslims. Our hypothesis is based on the fact that the most prominent and lasting aspect of the aforementioned eclectic thoughts were the Gnostic and mysterious thoughts and opinions that continued until the arrival of Islam in this region and appeared again in Iraq during the Umayyad rule. The findings of this research by adopting methods of analysis based on the historical genealogy of the intellectual and religious doctrines of these movements have shown that the totality of the intellectual, religious and social life of these movements in the form of social movements with a radical approach such as Sabiyeh, the followers of Hamzah Bin Amara, the statement And Mughiryeh, which appeared in Iraq during the Umayyad period, was a combination of elements and components of Tanui, esotericism, mystery, saving and ghalian thoughts, which were influenced by intellectual sources, eclectic opinions and thoughts of Gnostic and Tanui currents with Mesopotamian sources have been

The establishment of democratic political order has been the main concern of many human societies, especially in the contemporary world. But the emergence of democratic political models in the contemporary world should be considered from the western world. This fact has led to an idea that only can democracy models be realized in the context of Western culture. On this basis, non-western societies must either accept western culture or surrender to authoritarian regimes. The purpose of the upcoming research is to challenge these two assumptions and examine the possibility of presenting a native model of democratic political order in Islamic societies to help establish democratic values ​​in these societies while protecting native culture. This article aims to present a model called "interactive democracy" with descriptive-analytical method. The main finding of this article is that political agents in Islamic societies, by referring to the three elements of Islamic values, daily life as well as the others, and in a constant process of interaction between themselves (understanding), can extract the priorities of the society in an institutionalized process called the interactive democracy. The results of this research emphasize the possibility of local democratization, revival of Islamic identity and efficiency of Islamic societies. From this point of view, the interaction will be the gravity of Islamic democratic political order.

The first encounter of Danish Vikings with Muslims dates back to a thousand years ago, but the first mass entry of Muslims to Denmark should be traced back to the 1960 as guest workers. After that, the second and third waves of Muslims entered the country as workers, refugees, asylum seekers and displaced persons. In parallel with the arrival of Muslim immigrants in Denmark for the past 60 years, restrictive laws and regulations have been enacted; Laws that have consistently imposed restrictions on Islam, Islamist, Mosques, Imams, and so on. The question that arises here is why Islam has become problematic in Denmark not as a legal religious minority, like Judaism, but as an "anti-Danish" ? In response, while referring to the analytical-theoretical framework of the problematic rupture, we refer to the problematic change of Danish society from the problem of immigrants / workers to the problematic of Muslims / the "anti-Danish phenomenon" to describe the transformation of Muslims as anti-Danish issues.

One of the upcoming challenges in the field of globalization of culture is the issue of assimilation or assimilation of culture. In the discussions of cultural convergence and homogenization, attention has often been paid to globalization and assimilation, rather than examining the process of homogenization of cultures, which will be achieved by universal acceptance and public persuasion towards a superior and more complete culture. The purpose of the current research, which was carried out in a descriptive-analytical and library way, is to investigate the assimilation of different cultures, identities and values. The results of the present research show that the intellectual foundations of Islam have been placed for the homogenization of the world for the sake of human dignity. The design and implementation of these intellectual foundations is for all humanity, far from any color, race, nationality, etc. The intellectual basis of Islam is complete and it is the source of revelation and wants the all-round happiness of humanity. But on the other hand, the intellectual foundations of the West for assimilation seek to dominate humanity and to achieve their goals. These foundations are incomplete and have a one-dimensional view of humanity. It does not pursue the all-round development of humanity and is only to meet the material needs of mankind; Therefore, it can be said that the West does not have the authority to lead this assimilation.

Civilization consists of two parts: the software part which is culture and the hardware and tool part which is technology. Worldview is the way of attitude and insight towards the universe and the philosophy of life. Based on the worldview of atheistic and materialistic modernism, which is the worldview that dominates the West. The ultimate goal of life is to achieve the maximum power and wealth and material benefits and worldly pleasures and conquer the whole world and dominate all people and nations, by any means and even by using technology, and on the other hand, man is at the service of technology. While based on the Islamic worldview; which is a monotheistic and divine worldview, the goal of life; The growth, perfection, and improvement of the material and spiritual condition of human life is on the path of truth and straight path, good life, worshiping God, and being close to God, and in this direction, progress; It involves the use of science and technology and at the same time rationality, ethics, spirituality and justice and providing the basis for improving the quality and quantity of life for all people and human beings, and technology is at the service of man and human perfection, in addition to comfort and material well-being; The mental and spiritual peace and the afterlife happiness of man has also been taken into consideration and the use of technology has also found meaning and is acceptable in this direction.

The present research was conducted with the aim of identifying the concept of reason in Albert Ellis's rational-emotional theory and comparing and criticizing it based on the Islamic perspective. The present research method is descriptive and analytical according to which, first by reviewing the available sources, the basics of Ellis's theory were identified, and then the concept of reason in this theory was identified and presented, and then it was examined and criticized from the perspective of religious sources. The findings showed that, contrary to Ellis, who believes in pragmatic reason and considers it a tool to measure apparent and tangible profit and loss in this world, from the point of view of religion, reason is a diagnostic power that manifests itself on both theoretical and practical levels. In other words, intellect has two basic components, one is cognitive component, whose function is to recognize and recognize expediency and corruption, good and evil. Another component is motivation, which consists of a kind of tendency to do good and prevent ugliness and undesirable behaviors.