جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « karabakh » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

The international system in transition and the uncertainty in it, has caused the dynamism of most regions in the world. The South Caucasus region is not exempt from this situation. The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and its subsequent develpements, especially the 2023 Karabakh war, marked a path of no return for the South Caucasus region, so these developments had a significant impact on the actors of the South Caucasus.

Research question: 

What effect did the second and third Karabakh war in the South Caucasus region between Armenia and Azerbaijan have on the regional interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran?

Research Hypothesis: 

It is hypothesized that Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020 and 2023 respectively, has increased the dynamics of competition, threat and escalation of tension against Iran, while there are not many opportunities for it.

In this article, a comparative research approach has been used, which is realistic using a study model and the geopolitical approach in the framework of regional studies. Using geopolitical components such as politics, power, geography, economy (geoeconomics), culture (geoculture), geopolitical relations and balance of power. Data analysis is done in a descriptive-analytical way. The method of collecting information in this research is done by the library method.

Since the early 2000s, Russia’s policy towards the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis has changed. Therefore, Russia's attitude toward the South Caucasus has changed from a sphere of exclusive Russian influence to a space in which it must both cooperate and compete with other regional powers. Moscow prefers to cooperate with Iran and mostly Turkey to respond to the growing challenges. In this situation and due to the fact that Azerbaijan is close to Russia and Armenia is far from Russia, the second Karabakh war started. But the third Karabakh war took place in a situation where Russia's power vacuum was evident in the South Caucasus after Moscow's involvement in the Ukraine war. The Karabakh war of 2020 and 2023 in the national dimension between Azerbaijan and Armenia caused the position of the victorious and defeated actors of the first Karabakh war to be reversed. In the regional dimension, new geopolitical relations and balance of power emerged in the South Caucasus.

The findings of the research proved the hypothesis raised in the article. The 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war once again showed the geopolitical dynamics of the South Caucasus. These wars have significantly changed the geopolitical relations of regional players and led to the formation of a new balance of power in the region. Azerbaijan has strengthened and Armenia has become very weak. However, with the cease-fire of the Second Karabakh War, Russia was able to marginalize the western axis, which further weakened the role of the West, the United States, the European Union and especially the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (Minsk Group). But by entering the war with Ukraine and creating a power vacuum in the South Caucasus region, Russia saw its power in this region challenged by Turkey. In this way, the second and third Karabakh war marked Turkey's return to the region and pushed Iran to the sidelines of regional developments.Therefore, the 2020 and 2023 Karabakh war destroyed the fragile state of neither war nor peace that Iran was in favor of maintaining in the South Caucasus. In these wars, Iran could not play a role in regional developments to expand its influence and presence; Therefore, it led to the escalation of tension with the Republic of Azerbaijan, the intensification of competition with Turkey, and the seriousness of the threat of Israel's presence along Iran's borders. In the new balance of power that has been formed in the South Caucasus region, the Islamic Republic of Iran has a low role and position in the South Caucasus. It seems that Iran has been marginalized by Russia on the one hand, on the other hand, due to the role of western sanctions in preventing Iran’s action in the region; Iran has not been able to play a serious role and pursue its historical-civilizational interests in the South Caucasus. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to maintain its territorial integrity, prevent geopolitical changes in the region and its geo-economic interests in the South Caucasus. It has also tried not to get involved in ethnic movements and internal instability based on geocultural provocations.

The Karabakh crisis remained in a state of neither war nor peace for tens of years, but with the Second Karabakh War, it came out of the state of "frozen conflict" and the South Caucasus, especially the Karabakh region, underwent deep changes. Since this war is not a random thing but rooted in the historical developments of the region, the main question of the article is “how did the course of historical developments in the South Caucasus affect the geopolitics of that region in the 2020 Karabakh war?” In response, this hypothesis proposes that the zero-sum situation was the principle governing the geopolitical developments of the South Caucasus region and its lasting legacy. This article has evaluated the complex history of the South Caucasus its geopolitics and its economic and cultural components, Geo-economics, and Geo-culture, and examined its consequences for the Nagorno-Karabakh war in 2020. The findings of the research showed that the Second Karabakh war was an ethnic-territorial war and the economic components played an essential role in its formation. Also, the sum of zero is the ruling principle in this region. In this article, a deductive research approach has been used, which is with the application of the geopolitical study model in the framework of regional studies. The data analysis was descriptive-analytical and the data of this research was collected using internet and library sources.

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is one of the longest international crises officially started on February 20, 1988. As an important and influential actor in the geopolitical region of the South Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan faced the crisis caused by the occupation of lands by Armenia after gaining independence. The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict later turned into an international crisis due to the intervention of some foreign powers. It is believed that Turkey's support for the Republic of Azerbaijan is an attempt to expand its sphere of influence both by increasing Baku's position in the conflict and by marginalizing the influence of Iran and Russia in the region. On the other hand, due to Iran's concern about insecurity spilling over into its northwestern borders while opposing foreign intervention in this crisis, it wants to resolve the conflict emphasizing diplomacy and direct negotiations between the parties to the conflict. The main question of the research is, what strategy do Iran and Turkeye follow regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict? The research hypothesizes that Turkeye is trying to fundamentally change the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh in Baku's favor by developing comprehensive relations with the Republic of Azerbaijan and securing its regional goals and policies. On the other hand, while opposing any change in its northern borders, Iran has adopted a policy of neutrality towards Karabagh. However, the significant change in the military balance in favor of the Republic of Azerbaijan following the 2020 war has led Tehran to withdraw from its traditional policy of neutrality and openly support the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karabakh. The qualitative analysis method was used to analyze the data of this research.

Among the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan is of special importance for Israel due to its geographical location and its location on the roads of the West and the East. Israel considers Azerbaijan to be the gateway to Central Asia and the Caucasus region, and for this reason, this regime, by developing economic, military and security relations with Azerbaijan, is trying to increase its strategic depth by following the Ben-Gurin doctrine and also by getting closer to Iran's borders. strengthen On the other hand, from the point of view of new realism, the first concern of countries is not to maximize their power, but to maintain their position in the international system, so Azerbaijan's strategy in being close to Israel meets the inherent needs of this country to maintain security after independence from the Soviet Union through the acquisition of new military technologies. Strengthening its power against Armenia is due to the issue of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and its proximity to the West. Now, the question of this research, which was compiled in a descriptive and analytical way, is in what areas have the relations between Israel and the Republic of Azerbaijan been developed? The results show that there has been an expansion of cooperation in the military and security fields of Azerbaijan and Israel.

The Nagorno-Karabakh crisis provided the best opportunity for Zionist regime to greatly increase the presence of its intelligence elements in the peripheral environment of Iran under the pretext of providing advisory assistance to Azerbaijani army. The main goal of this research is to examine the process of expanding the relationship between Zionist regime and Azerbaijan with regard to the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis and its effects on the security of Iran. The main question of the research is, what are the effects of the development of relations between Zionist regime and Azerbaijan regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis on Iran's security? The research hypothesis is that the expansion of Azerbaijan's relations with Zionist regime has endangered Iran's national security due to the increased presence of this regime in Iran's peripheral environment. Feeling a common threat in the name of Iran, they have sought to create balance of threat against Iran with this convergence. The research method is descriptive-analytical and data collection was based on library and internet sources.

The second war between Azerbaijan and Armenia ended in a ceasefire after 44 days in September 2020 with the mediation of Russia. This article deals with the impact of the Karabakh war and the agreement reached on Iran's national interests. With this main question, what effects and consequences did it have for the security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran? According to the findings of the article, the disruption of the balance of power in the South Caucasus and the resulting cease-fire agreement have had positive and negative effects on the interests and security of the Islamic Republic of Iran in different dimensions, the most important of which are: the greater role of Russia in the northwestern borders of Iran. The possibility of the geography of the conflict moving away from Iran's borders is Iran's acquisition of bordering lands and reconnection of the relatively long border with Azerbaijan and the like. The most important strategies facing Iran in facing the aforementioned crisis include adopting neutral positions and at the same time playing the role of active mediation to maintain and fulfill Iran's strategic position to the conflicting parties and regional actors. Active presence in newly liberated areas, increasing transportation and transit routes with the Republic of Azerbaijan, especially in newly liberated areas.

Armenia, Azerbaijan and Ukraine are located near Russia. Recent external developments are very important for Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Thus, the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis in September 2020, which led to a 44-day conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as Ukraine's efforts to move closer to the West, provoked a Russian reaction. The present article descriptively-analytically seeks to answer the question of what has been Russia's foreign policy towards Nagorno-Karabakh and Ukraine? The findings in the context of the Copenhagen School's regionalism indicate that Russia has sought to refrain from interfering in the Nagorno-Karabakh war and supporting the country towards Azerbaijan in the wake of the proximity of the pro-Western Armenian government. The Ukrainian government has launched an offensive against the West and is trying to join NATO. However, Russia's policy toward Armenia over Ukraine over non-sanctions against Russia, public support for Russian mediation, and the deployment of peacekeeping forces appears to have been more successful than condemning the invasion of Ukraine, imposing sanctions on Russia, and lack of UN support. .

Turkey-Azerbaijan relations, a year after the 2nd Karabakh War, has taken complicated military, political and regional dimensions. Holding several joint military drills between Turkey and Azerbaijan has drawn attention of media circles and caused security concerns for some neighboring countries. In the Karabakh dispute, Turkey’s role in support of Azerbaijan for entering a new war with Armenia was deciding. This policy makes question about Turkey’s goals in supporting Azerbaijan in the war with Armenia. Turkey’s foreign policy since 2016 onward and after military interference in Syria has taken an aggressive aspect. It seems that Turkey’s support for Azerbaijan in the Karabakh dispute and the pace of events afterwards, are the continuation of the policy of militarism in surrounding perimeter. The authors of the present article believe that by indirect interference in the Karabakh dispute, Turkey pursues expansion of influence in the South Caucasus and Central Asia. In examination of Turkey’s foreign policy in the Karabakh dispute, realism and aggressive realism in particular are the theoretical bases.

The new round of Nagorno-Karabakh war over the mountainous districts of southern Nagorno-Karabakh, a strategic spot in the region, started on 27 September 2020. Unlike the previous conflicts which used to end after several days, this one continued for 44 days for different reasons. The first Nagorno-Karabakh War was an ethnic conflict which took place on 20 February 1988 between the majority ethnic Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh backed by Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan with 996 kilometer of common border inside the Soviet Republic. However, the conflicts are rooted in older days. The present paper aims at finding the roots of the conflicts between these two countries which have stayed in a no warno peace situation during the last 26 years. It also tries to answer this question that why the conflict remained unsolved from the cease-fire agreement of 22 may 1994 till the Moscow- brokered deal on 10 November 2020. In order to answer this question, we inevitably examined the role that all the domestic and foreign players had in this war. The reasons for the rise of new conflicts and the trend of future changes after the Moscow deal are also examined based on the current evidence. In the end, the plausible solutions to end the futile war are looked into by studying the stance of the countries influential in solving the problem.

Karabakh Events in 1988 led to the destruction of towns and villages and killing and displacing hundreds of Azerbaijanis from their native land. On 25 and 26 February 1992, following artillery bombardment of Khojaly, the town was captured by Armenian forces. The main question is that according to the records, the deliberate destruction of who living in Khojaly city, whether was because of their nationality and ethnicity? And according to international law, can we term this incident as a genocide? If so, whether a court has jurisdiction to prosecute the perpetrators of this crime? And also how will be the responsibility of the state of Armenia on this issue? This massacre is one the international crimes which no International Criminal Court has been formed to investigation about it until now. In this paper examines the Khojaly event from the perspective of international criminal law.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Armenian Republic gained its independence in 1991 and Turkey was one of the first countries that recognized Armenian independence after the collapse of the USSR. Since 1993, the Armenian borders with Turkey had been closed and the atmosphere of mistrust between the two countries remained strong. Only in 2009 the two countries tried to open their borders. Some Armenians have criticized the Turkish government for the closure of borders in some Western organizations and associations. Bearing in mind the importance of this issue, this study aims to answer this central question: What are the reasons for divergence in relations between Turkey and Armenia? The research hypothesis is that the tension between Azerbaijan and Armenia over Karabakh region is the main reason of divergence. Territorial claims of Armenians and the genocide issue can be the other obstacles in the normalization of relations between the two neighboring countries. This article reviews the occupation of Nagorno Karabakh impact on the relations between Armenia and Turkey. Then the role of Armenians outside of Armenia and the Armenian claims issue in bilateral relations have been discussed. At the end of the article, attempts for the normalization of relations between the two countries and signing of protocols are the objects of deliberation. This paper shows that in the current situation, there is no possibility of normalization of relations between the two countries.

After the collapse of the USSR, for many researchers the existence of similarities and potential historical, cultural, religious and geopolitical in relations between Iran and Azerbaijan was a suitable context for establishment of close relations and integration in various areas between the two sides, But the course of events was shaped the other way and multiple challenges at different levels of national, regional and global, affected these factors, so that relations between the two countries, despite the existence of appropriate grounds, has undergone many ups and downs. Thus, this research seeks to answer the question that after the independence of Azerbaijan, what factors affect the appropriate fields in integration of Iran and Azerbaijan and have had a negative impact on close and stable relations between the two countries. In this regard, looking to explain how the components of integration and the challenges in front of it, has worked in relations between Iran and Azerbaijan. The hypothesis of the research is that relations of the two countries, despite having the suitable ties that facilitates integration between the two, however the existence of disturbing factors has impeded the process, resulting its facing numerous challenges so that integration of the two neighbors have been impractical. In this study, uses the descriptive method, content analysis and relations between the two countries.

The Karabakh conflict has not been resolved since two decades ago the current process indicates its future in the aura of ambiguity. According to the results of this research، the loss of an integrated approach in international mediation efforts is the main obstacle to resolve Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. This is a function of the strategic interests and different geopolitical understanding of the actors interested in international mediation، their different vision to the crisis، biased behavior of mediators and other complex conditions of international mediation in the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis. In the meantime، a close and comprehensive study of the international mediation experience in the context of the United Nations and OSCE in the Nagorno-Karabakh show that some other goals are pursued beyond humanitarian purposes in this process. In this regard، by using the crisis management in the context of mediation mechanism as a political instrument، the main actors (Russia، the USA and France) in this international mediation are trying not only to strengthen their influence in the South Caucasus، but also to contain the increasing influence of their competitors.