جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « political rights » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Citizenship rights are one of the intellectual foundations of democracy and the basic concepts of democratic life. Citizenship is a category that is tied to the concept of the culture of each society and the culture of each border and environment is derived from the three basic realms of social activities, the political environment and the economic status of that society. In a civil society, the rights of an individual include: fundamental rights, meaning the fundamental rights of the citizens of a society, political rights, meaning the right to participate in political processes, social rights, which include economic rights and minimum standards of living in social facilities. The degree of observance and attention to citizen's rights in any country can be measured by the scale of legislative assemblies and other legislative bodies. In this regard, citizenship rights, as one of the most obvious individual and group rights, has a significant contribution to the feeling of social justice, so that the degree of observance of citizenship rights in the society is considered a suitable criterion for measuring social, political, economic and cultural inequalities. In general, respect for the rights of citizens and their observance and guarantee in a society far from color, language, race, ethnicity and religion have always been emphasized, especially in the Islamic society of Iran, whose foundations are laid according to the standards of Islam. Today, citizenship rights and attention to political and civil rights, economic, social, and cultural rights and freedoms, judicial rights of members of the society are one of the inseparable elements of every constitution, and the need to pay attention and protect citizenship rights in the numerous principles of the fifth chapter (Laws nation) the constitution of the republic is clearly stated. Therefore, the main meaning of citizenship rights is to observe and preserve the rights of individuals and human beings in the larger part of society, and citizens should enjoy all rights, including political and civil rights, judicial rights, economic and welfare rights.

Women's rights are more in the spotlight today than ever before in human societies and political and social institutions, which, if not addressed, will create many problems in societies, regardless of the damage to women's physical and mental health. They make up half of the world's population. The oppression and injustice that has historically been imposed on women's society has led international and domestic legislators to enact laws and regulations to prevent such oppression and to protect women's rights in all areas; Iran is no exception to this rule. In Iran, with the Constitutional Revolution in 1304 AH, the first constitution was written and despite the efforts of women in the emergence of this movement, the first constitution and its amendment did not mention women, but later ordinary laws were passed on women. They laid down. With the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1978, the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran paid more attention to women's rights and the family was considered a fundamental and sacred institution, and the Islamic Consultative Assembly passed more and more laws on women's political and social rights. We are also witnessing positive changes in Iranian laws regarding women; In this article, with the method of descriptive-analytical research, an attempt has been made to express the changes in the legislation of Iran regarding women, from Qajar to the present day.

Political rights mean that a person can participate in the socio-political life of his country by electing rulers, political officials, or in holding political and social jobs in his country, or expressing his ideas well in free assemblies; Thus, the Charter of Citizenship Rights reflects the government's concern in raising public awareness of citizenship rights and institutionalizing respect for human rights. In this regard, one of the most important issues of the Charter of Citizenship is the issue of women's rights. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to review and analyze the degree of attention to women's citizenship rights in the dictionary of the Charter of Citizenship Rights. The above study shows that women's citizenship rights have been considered to an acceptable extent in the Charter of Citizenship Rights. However, there is no guarantee of proper implementation on the one hand and some practical and executive challenges on the other hand. Has faced serious obstacles.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the necessity or non-necessity of the wife's permission from the husband to get back the right of political participation. The results of this research, based on the descriptive-analytical method, have indicated that if there is no strong reason for the wife's permission from the husband or not, the "principle" in the problem should be sought and acted upon. First, according to the tradition of Salaf jurists, in individual jurisprudence, only cases of participation do not require permission that they do not contradict with the right of the spouse. Secondly, according to government jurisprudence, the basis of mutual rights and duties of the individual and the state requires individuals to perform their social duties. Therefore, in that part of the participation which is the duty of the wife, not only she does not need to get permission, but the husband cannot prevent her, even if it is against his right. But that part of the participation which does not fit in the form of duty and is a woman's right, the principle is based on not to allow, unless it requires permission for a specific reason. Third, women's political participation must be accompanied by the observance of principles and obligations such as the preservation of the individual's social and family identity and the preservation of chastity.

what is the question of the position of the opposition in the system of caliphate, and what rights do they have?The findings of this paper show that in the system of caliphate,the ideological,political,and political-ideological opposition can be identified.The most important opponents of the ideology are the disbelievers and the apostates.Dafi disciples have civil, social and political rights, although they are not equal in civil, social, and political terms with the Muslim majority, the apostates are deprived of all civil, social and political rights.The most important political-ideological opponents are the Gardens.Provided that they do not stand up for the caliphate system, they have basic social and civil rights, provided they are at the same level as the caliphate,on par with the ideological dissent. political dissenters lack political rights. The most important political opponents are Mohareb.The hostages are deprived of all civil, social and political rights because they are a fundamental threat to the political system and engage in violent acts of armed resistance, and they have no place in the system of caliphate.

Three focal points in the subject of Islamic teachings and human rights can be considered: 1. What are human rights? 2. Where does Islam critique human rights? 3. How is the viewpoint of Islam about human rights? It is clear that human rights in the distant past could have been difficult to enter in religions (Tomuschat, 2008: 18). Islam, like all other religions, did not begin to reconcile with human rights at the outset. It seemed very natural for human rights advocates to extend the rules of freedom of thought, expression, religion, and confrontation with slavery, torture, harsh sentences and executions as a universal belief and value. On the other hand, instead of presenting better ways for the lives of individuals in every religion, a number of religious leaders and scholars from different religions have emphasized points of opposition to human rights. It became perceived that religious laws were in conflict with human rights and some discussed the contradictions of the Shari'a with human rights were raised. This research examines the hypothesis in response to the key question of how reconciliation between human rights and Islam takes place. The authors hypothesize that the shift in the interaction of the Islamic Sharia with Islamic civil law on human rights reduces the link between human rights and Islam. The researcher has used personal studies and research findings.

In order to resolve the contradictions between the traditional rationality and modern rationality, it is necessary to reflect and review the tradition in dealing with the intellectual achievements of modern human being. Each religious tradition is an interpretation of several possible interpretations of religious texts which have been offered based on the constitutive wisdom of their era. And it is also possible to present a new interpretation of the text based on the current rationality of mankind. Hence, this paper seeks to reconsider the aspects of the political and social behavior of the prophet of Islam (PBUH) in the form of the establishing town-state of Medina and Ummah.- which have been forgotten in the course of the Islamic State developments and its deep political and legal consequences have been neglected- and to take a step towards the creation of epistemological unity among the religious tradition and the new rationality. This paper examines the provisions of Treaty of Medina which could be considered as the Constitution of Medina and scrutinizes the political nature of town-state of Medina and its legal consequences. With emphasis on political freedom and rights of the people in Treaty of Medina it could be concluded that the town-state of Medina was established by respecting the human being's freedom and the right to self-determination.

The Human being's political rights are an important part of human rights that is now recognized as a natural, inalienable and inviolable right in declarations and texts related to human rights and in many countries and democracies, it is considered as the basis of the legitimacy of the political system. In Islamic tradition, there are various approaches to this modern category which lie in their own specific epistemic foundations. Facing this phenomenon, some reformist jurists and religious scholars have presented a new formulation of relations between the people and the government and justified the political rights of the human being by using the jurisprudential texts and referring to religious sources. The main question of this paper is "based on which epistemic foundations does the reformist jurisprudence prove the political rights of human being, and what are the rules and principles of the Islamic tradition in its arguments?"The results of the research show that "belief in the divine origin of law," "belief in natural rights," "belief in human dignity," "the authority of religion in political life," and "emphasis on reason and definite rational propositions," are the most important theoretical foundations of political rights in the modern jurisprudential tradition in which the ideas of reformist jurisprudents on human rights lie.

Political rights are part of human rights that address human rights in the field of politics, including matters such as the right to determine their political destiny and political rights, and the right to political freedoms. The right to determine their fate and political destiny is the most important political right; the public domain is common to human beings and is the voice of the people. Public service providers are responsible for selecting people to do this service, Capture and interference in the public domain is not permitted without the consent and consent of the people; in the democratic system, the criterion of enjoying public rights is the consent of the majority with respect for minority rights, including the right to political participation, including the right to self determination, the right of the people to participate in Elections and referendums, the right to participate in decisions, the right of citizens to have access to government offices, the right to criticize and protest, the right to dismiss, the right to choose leaders, , they will elect another or choose not to participate in it. Through which they announce their dissatisfaction and apply regulatory tools to the governing body.

Generally, there is no consensus among economists about positive or negative effects of democracy on economic growth. This study aims to investigate the impacts of democracy on economic growth in 99 developing countries over the period of 1980-2013 using the panel data method. The results show that in upper middle income countries, the autocracy, Freedom House index, civil liberties, and political rights have negative and significant effects on economic growth. But in lower middle income countries, autocracy has positive and significant effect on economic growth, while other democracy proxies have insignificant impact on economic growth, statistically. Moreover, government consumption expenditure, education and population have negative and significant effects and regime duration and inflation have positive and significant effect on economic growth in upper middle income countries, statistically. In lower middle income countries, government consumption expenditure, gross fixed capital, inflation and regime duration have positive and significant effects and population have a negative effect on the economic growth, statistically.

From Imam Khomeini's perspective, the effectiveness of the political system is an important issue. This is connected with the recognition of the rights and civil liberties. The present article investigates Imam Khomeini's theory of tolerance as a fundamental concept in order to achieve a solution in mutual acceptance of the civil and political system. Imam Khomeini is one of the pioneers among Muslim thinkers who have commented on the notion of tolerance, i.e. "Rfg"In Arabic language and its educational, ethical, social and political impacts in a chapter of his book entitled "The Explanation of Hadith about Soldiers of Wisdom and Ignorance". In this chapter, he explains about the necessity of tolerance in every community and its impacts on social and religious life and thoughts. He believes that not only character-centred violence has no impact on social and individual reform, but also it is the source of bigger and complex corruption. Moreover, further investigation of the notion of tolerance from his perspectives shows that tolerance is a para-dynamic concept. It is driven from religion and from the perspective of political ethics and political philosophy, which are an integral part of the religious rule and a principle of moral virtue and political rights. Therefore, tolerance, as social capital takes the educational, administrative, political, social and economic burden off the communities and strengthens positive moral and social rights. Along with distinctions, it makes peace possible and replaces the culture of peace with the culture of conflict. It is not a granted privilege but an outlook which is emanated from the recognition of the rights and civil liberties, and it takes place through practice, training, and acculturation in society.

The issue of participation in the political process of a society has been one of the main ideals and concerns of social and political intellectuals since the past in such a way that it can be said that the gradual development of public participation rights and establishment of political institutions practicing them are products of these concerns. In this arena, vindication of citizenship rights can influence the degree of political participation as one of the key concepts of political development in societies. Accordingly, the main objective of the present study is to investigate the relationship between vindication of citizenship rights and the degree of political participation in the two cities of Isfahan and Kermanshah. The research method employed in the present study is descriptive-survey research based on questionnaire completion. In addition, the results were investigated based on the comparative method. The data of the research were obtained from different areas of the two cities of Isfahan and Kermanshah. Then, via completion of questionnaires by 583 participants, the data were analyzed by the SPSS software. According to the findings, there was a significant correlation between vindication of citizenship rights and the degree of political participation. These values for vindication of political rights were as r=0.22 the City of Isfahan and as r=0.28 for Kermanshah City. In addition, the values for vindication of social rights were as r=0.19 for Isfahan and r=0.18 for Kermanshah. Moreover, the values for civil rights were r=0.22 for Isfahan and r=0.24 for Kermanshah City.

The issue of participation in the political process of a society has been one of the main ideals and concerns of social and political intellectuals since the past in such a way that it can be said that the gradual development of public participation rights and establishment of political institutions practicing them are products of these concerns. In this arena, vindication of citizenship rights can influence the degree of political participation as one of the key concepts of political development in societies. Accordingly, the main objective of the present study is to investigate the relationship between vindication of citizenship rights and the degree of political participation in the two cities of Isfahan and Kermanshah. The research method employed in the present study is descriptive-survey research based on questionnaire completion. In addition, the results were investigated based on the comparative method. The data of the research were obtained from different areas of the two cities of Isfahan and Kermanshah. Then, via completion of questionnaires by 583 participants, the data were analyzed by the SPSS software. According to the findings, there was a significant correlation between vindication of citizenship rights and the degree of political participation. These values for vindication of political rights were as r=0.22 the City of Isfahan and as r=0.28 for Kermanshah City. In addition, the values for vindication of social rights were as r=0.19 for Isfahan and r=0.18 for Kermanshah. Moreover, the values for civil rights were r=0.22 for Isfahan and r=0.24 for Kermanshah City.

In the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, special attention has been given to the “citizen rights”, so that it disregards color, race, and language as regards these rights. It also requires the government to regard these rights for all its citizens. Now that the different aspects of the nations’ life all over the world is apparently being affected by the globalization. Citizen right is one of the domains influenced by globalization. This paper argued that the globalization has a converse relationship with human-participatory` rights, but it has a direct and converse relationship with political and social rights.

Despite the similarities of citizenship right with human rights، but it is distinct. Citizenship rights implies a set of civil، political and social rights that people get it because they have become a nation-state member and those rights safeguard and protect by law. Although the having of the citizens of these rights، back to the emergence of modern nation-states but theorizing about it by political and legal scholars and its inclusion in the legislation of countries، especially developing countries، have less experience and are related to recent decades. A claim in this paper in response to the question of what is the position of citizenship rights in Islamic Republic funder view، is: despite little history of citizenship rights in Iran and the Iranian special conditions at the beginning of the revolution، citizenship rights at the Imam Khomeini is the serious concern; and although he did not use this concept in his statements، but its axes and objects in theoretical and practical manner was Particular attention and emphasized. This attention in the current situation in Iran could be helpful for many of the problems in this field.