جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « radicalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Although the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is mostly interpreted based on geopolitical propositions such as NATO’s expansion towards the Eastern Europe, the cultural identity and the inference of the political elites in both countries also play a significant role in escalating this battle. In some cases, the way of interpreting identities, which are defined on the basis of a sense of individual affection to the society or a specific group according to a set of cultural and social features such as religion and language, has been influential in creating friction in human societies. In addition to expansion of “self and the other” in the mental situation of the citizens, this interpretation has a great impact on the perception of politicians about their ego and its function in relation to other countries. Meanwhile, the conceptual dimensions of this research have been based on cultural revanchism and radicalism. In order to answer the main question of the research, a descriptive-analytical method has been used and the data has been gathered through library and statistical resources. The findings of the present research indicate that reactional policies of both parties regarding one another and in ties with past humiliations and present threats have roots in “contradictory and converging” Russian and Ukrainian cultural identities. These roots, within the framework of historical, ethnic, lingual and religious perceptions, pave the way for escalating the current conflict between the two countries.

Currently, some important Jewish communities in Israel live primarily in the media because of their particular lifestyle and isolationism. They have specific beliefs and particular personal and social lifestyles that are mainly rooted in ancient Judaism. The opinions and beliefs of this community are in line with Jewish (pragmatic) fundamentalists, and therefore hold to the Jewish fundamentalist mandates. The ideas of the community in the social and political context, along with their growing importance - by rapid population growth and effective political presence - have made them an influential stream. Given their efforts to be more influential (in the context of fundamentalist discourse) - particularly in the political arena - and in view of their principles and objectives as well as the demographic and political structure of Israel, it seems that reinforcing this trend will increase tensions. And there will be an increase in extremist tendencies in the Israeli regime and even will include fundamental questions about the identity of the present Israel regime and its future.

Syria was a safe and normal country, but after Arab spring Syria has been a grand battleground among tens group and state. Destruction of big and old cities and displacement of millions people was the first outcome of this bloody, destructive and long war. Rebuilding of these destructions arising from internal war is a complicated problem now, because funds of state is much limit but measure of breakdowns is unexampled. This research has studied the Al- Asad policy about this problem. According to findings of paper, Damascus has a spatial perception and security policy about rebuilding of internal war destructions. Mechanism and implications of this vision has been analyzed by authors.

The aim of this research is to study Radical theory ideals in Global political economy with emphasis on development. Thus, the main research question is the nature and meaning of development in the various Radicalism approaches including (such as) studies Colonialism and Imperialism, Dependency theory, Neocolonialism, Globalization, and the evolution of development concept in each theories. As his research is done in descriptive-analytic method and by desk research, the findings show that all theories has been presented (raised) permanent connection (relation) and links between dynamics of Capitalism system and its functions and the concept of development and underdevelopment in different national and international levels, and the inherent characteristics of capitalist system including exploitation, inequality, and inhuman relations has described in all theories. While understanding Radical’ ideals of  Radicalism theory in global political economy or international relationships has many complicated philosophy, but it contradict ideal western human as development basis, and the emphasis is on relative and indigenous nature of different communities ideals in relation to the issue of development. The concept of development, as how to make society equal in the light of economic relationships and production is not in the focus (heart) of attention, but the important matter is the emphasis on humanizing the existing relationships at all levels. However, Radicals have key role in development and promotion of literacy and philosophy related to development and underdevelopment issues, but in fact, they cannot provide an example of development model based on their opinions and assumptions on the national and international level.

The Islamic religious movements of Indonesia's Muslims are diversified in their interaction with the Middle East's intellectual currents. Muslim groups have experienced epistemological religious polarization and live in a culturally religious pluralist system. The country has the largest Muslim population among Islamic countries and is considered one of the largest archipelago of East Asia. Most Muslims in the country have Shafi'i religion in jurisprudence, and in theology are Matoridye. They turned to the formation of a new political system to emancipate colonial oppression. This Muslim country came to independence in 1945, and the revolutionary leaders of these islands experienced many epistemological religious movements. In this paper, we are going to take this question, what are Indonesian religious movements and will express their influence on the Islamic religious movements of the Middle East, in a similar way with the approach of historical sociology and analytical-descriptive methods.  

The Islamic world, especially Afghanistan and Pakistan, has seen the formation and growth of various currents with different thoughts in the last few decades, most of which have come to be known as "religious extremism", "Islamism", "radicalism", and perhaps "terrorism". The benevolent goals of some individuals, centers and religious institutions as well as malicious policies of colonialism and arrogance can be mentioned as the most important factors in this field. Meanwhile, perhaps between the terms "extremism" with its similar titles may be confused, desired or undesirable; whereas many religious currents have the demands of the rightful and legal standards, and their policy is different from those who promote religious and ethnic unconventional violence. Therefore, in the present article, while studying the character of extremism and its main features, especially in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the role of two factors of foreign interposition and the method of teaching governing religious schools, as the main platforms and stimuli in this field, Attention has been paid.

The purpose of the present research is to investigate large-scale political and social deprivation that objectively provides a context for promoting radical ideas in the contemporary Arab world, leading the groundwork for attracting part of society to extremist idea. This research was conducted in a descriptive-analytical manner, and the findings of the capacities of relative deprivation theories indicated that deprivation of power-oriented values (the status of political participation), interpersonal values (the status of poverty, education, and suburbanization) has escalated into a gap between value expectations and value capabilities of part of society, helping extremists to benefit more greatly from the accessible and despicable social context. The social situation of the Arab world with respect to material values is an indication of a significant distance between the status que and value expectations of citizens. The analyses of current violent movements in the Arab world such as ISIS and al-Qaeda are of significance when the social-political context of these movements is taken into consideration apart from the analyses of intellectual components.

A complication in the face of the achievements of the founder of modernism, which has sometimes led to the recapture of radical groups by terrorist and Mujahdat methods for realizing the utopia of the era of righteous predecessor. Understanding radical groups, their tools and their implications require a multidisciplinary, networked, comprehensive, and a comprehensive set of studies. To this end, the answer to the question of what is the ratio of current religious radicalism to postmodern flows. Can these groups be placed in the postmodernist streams or, according to current views, belong to the modern age, or even derived from the traditional order? This research by a descriptive and analytical method, while studying documents inspired by Lacquer and Shental Mouffe, showed that, in explaining the current extremes, modern tight molds are inadequate and, more importantly, they are inspired by the imperatives of the modern world, Even the revival of the caliphate in religious radicalism from the perspective of the believers is a means to the ultimate goal of changing the modern world order, and since the current extreme phenomena are phenomena of identity, oppression, and oppression, which, with antagonism and with a different conception of Identity also seeks to define and prove itself in violent ways, so the analysis of radicalism the present is more comprehensible in the post-modern era of postmodernism.

Various reasons have led to the radicalization of some Islamist groups in some Islamic countries like Syria. These factors can be found in elements such as identity, depression and distrust, the perception of insecurity and irresponsibility, the expansion of Western culture in Islamic countries and the contradiction of Islamic values with Western culture, the lack of consolidation of the culture of rationalism and democracy in Islamic Countries. Also, the humiliating and insulting attitude of the West towards Muslims, as well as the dependence of some leaders of Islamic countries, especially Arab, on Western countries, and the lack of attention of some political systems to the needs of the people have affected this. The support of the Arab media for the spread of extremism in the Muslim world and the Western media and the interventionist policies of some regional countries, such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar, have contributed to the spread of terrorism. In the Syrian crisis, there are various influences of internal and external conflicts that can be grouped into different criteria, such as historical and modern, geographic criteria, and regional affiliation.

In this article, the mutual impacts of globalization and radicalism on each other with the emphasis on takfirism were discussed. Firstly, the history of the Salafi was discussed and four currents were recognized. Then globalization, its definition and its different aspects were discussed. It was defined that globalization has had some negative impacts such as creating anxiety in the society, speed of changes in the society, facing cultural offensiveness by some societies, islamophobia, identity conflict and so on which have resulted in creation of radical groups such as takfiri currents.
It was also defined that on the other side, the creation of takfiri groups has also resulted in islamophobia, enhancing nationalism and localism feelings, underlining national borders and enhancing globalization norms in international relations. Finally, some ways and means that can be used to avoid radicalism were named to be followed.

Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011 so far,Many analysts consider this crisis as a result of a conspiracy from outside this country that by America and Britain and their regional allies, Israel and Saudi plan has been implemented. But despite driven out of crisis ,Existence some social gaps in Syrian society Such as ethnic and religious gaps in the form of internalgroup conflict Shiite - Sunni and outgroup Kurdish - Arabic expression had Affected in Increased range of crisis and faster growth of radical groups. The main question is that the social gaps in Syria Especially ethnic and religious gaps how effect on the formation and growth of radicalism in this country? assumption of this article is It seams There are two major ethnic and religious gap in Syria and State's inability to manage them and Extensive involvement of foreign Causing a sharp rise in the country's level of conflict and social unrest.So at the beginning of the crisis in 2011and The massive influx of foreign insurgents into the country,Religious Ethnic gaps have also been extremely active and was an influence on the growth of radical groups.

The Syria crisis is passing through its sixth year and during these years several theories have been given to explain the causes of this crisis. One of these theories considers the existence of wide and extensive ethnic and religious differences and conflicts which shows itself in intergroup (Shiite-Sunni) and outer group (Kurdish-Arabic) differences. The present paper wants to examine how the existence of ethnic and religious differences has led to the growth of radicalism in Syria? The underlying hypothesis is that the existence of extensive ethnic and religious differences in Syria and the inability of the government to manage them have led to an increase in the level of conflict and social discontent. These differences and conflicts have become sharper and deeper after Syria got its independence from France (1946) and then the rise of Baath Party (1963) and subsequently the domination of Alawites on the Syrian government (1970). Eventually these ethnic and religious differences led to hostility and formation of radical groups against the government in Syria.

Over many centuries of Islamic history, there were individuals and trends of thought that introduced their own deviated deductions as authentic and revolutionary Islam by adopting a radical policy. They made some ignorant people to follow them. In this regard, two excommunicating trends of thought named Al-Qaeda and the Khawarij of Iraq are related to the area of these extremist trends for having common intellectual - practical indicators. Unlike the masses of religious scholars, these two political-military trends had put efforts to combat Muslim rulers. They picked the preliminary reading of religion and exerted violent behaviors under name of Islam. Based on this deduction, they have represented the most radical and violent system of thought. In this regard, by comprising these two Islamist trends, the authors infer that the violence and quarrel some of these trends originate in their ignorance and the lack of knowledge of the different affaires related to themselves, to Islamic teachings, and to culture predominating over Islamic societies. These attitudes have been manifested as various forms of prejudice, excommunication, extremism, etc. By offering a fale interpretation of the facts, they have created an atmosphere of discrepancy, disunion and massacre in the Islamic societies.

Social and political movements are categorized under social changes. At the same time، in the contemporary Eastern and Islamic societies، these movements are considered as a kind of reaction towards transition process from traditional societies to new ones. Every Islamic movement with emancipator and anti-colonial orientation has adopted strategy and tactic on the basis of two components i. e. “structure” including systemic factors، s+ociopolitical pressures، identity crises، and “agent” including leadership and ideology. These strategies and tactics have been either revolutionary or reformist. On this basis، some of them have tried to adapt themselves to their environment and some others have chosen to adopt a reaction strategy in order to confront with critical conditions. As one of Islamic movements emerging in the critical conditions of Lebanon، Hezbollah has tried to use two reaction and adaptation strategies towards Lebanon’s historical developments in the framework of radical and realist approaches. Anyway، Hezbollah’s stances regarding Lebanon’s problems in relation to the governments of this country have taken place within the framework of radical or reaction pattern and realist or adaptive one. On this basis، Hezbollah has not adopted a unified sstrategy towards the governments of Lebanon but it has taken stances according to Lebanon’s political and historical needs which are affected by domestic and international conditions. In all eras، Hezbollah has adopted an approach accompanied by interaction and confrontation within the framework of radical and realist patterns. Therefore this article seeks to examine the political and historical relations between Hezbollah and Lebanon governments in a descriptive and analytical way by using Herier Dekmegian’s crisis theory.

Security threats are parts of international political realities. Countries with strategic goals focused on changing the status quo، or not synchronized with the big powers objectives and regional actors are subject to security threat. The Islamic Republic of Iran is among countries with geopolitical threat. These countries are subject to conditions and interacting with actors who have different security and strategic objectives. Iranian security situation in the historic circuit of the last hundred years has indicated such a situation. In the period after the Islamic Revolution victory we have witnessed a «combined threat» of national security that is caused by ideological and strategic components of the Islamic Republic. Great powers have sought to control Iran>s security environment، while regional actors like Iraq، Saudi and Israel are doing a great effort to limit and deal with Iran>s securityapproaches. Such a process although different، has continued in the 21st century. In this article the U. S. security threats against Iran>s strategic objectives during George Bush and Barack Obama will be compared. To explain the matter، U. S. national security doctrine in these two stages is used. On the other hand، behavior patterns and strategic positions of the U. S. and itsallies in the framework of politics and international institutions will be considered. Political literature used by the U. S. rulers and strategists shows that there are some aspects of the threat، confrontation and coping in the two mentioned historical periods. These threats were proposed by a more aggressive literature during the Bush era، while the possibility of threat to become operational was limited. Security threats during Obama has a more flexible literature compared to Bush era but the possibility of threat to become operational has increased. In this paper، based on «defensiverealism approach»، comparison of the American threats during the Bush and Obama has been explained.