جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Nuclear Agreement » در نشریات گروه « علوم سیاسی »

Following the conclusion of the so-called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) between Iran and the P5 + 1 countries and Trump's decision to unilaterally withdraw the United States in 2018, Hundreds of sanctions which were targeting economic, political, and military sectors was applied on Iran by the Donald Trump. Now in the United States, we are facing the new administration that the new president, Joe Biden, is seeking to return to JCPOA, if Iran returns to its obligations under it. What can be the reaction of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the meantime? Therefore, this paper aims to answer the question that, among the various scenarios including; US Withdrawal from JCPOA and Iran's gradual withdrawal; negotiating with the United States for JCPOA Plus; returning of US to JCPOA and cancellation of US Secondary Sanctions and the Security Council sanctions; leaving JCPOA and NPT and Activation of snapback mechanism and reference of Iran's nuclear case to the UN Security Council, which one is desirable Scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran?. The research findings indicate that returning of US to JCPOA and cancellation of US Secondary Sanctions and the Security Council sanctions is a desirable Scenario for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is futures studies based on the scenario writing method which, while examining the forerunners and uncertainties, analyzes the views of experts about the upcoming scenarios.

Iran-US relations have undergone many developments during the Islamic Republic of Iran. However, America's central policy has been regime change or metamorphosis in Iran's behavior. The United States has adopted various patterns and behaviors to achieve these macro goals. The main purpose of this study was to examine the patterns of Obama's foreign policy with Iran and its impact on the realization of US national interests. The most important goals of changing the Obama era approach toward Iran include multilateralism toward Iran, efforts to isolate Iran, diplomacy and negotiation with Iran, and ultimately a nuclear agreement. In fact, the Obama administration has transformed America's attitude toward Iran, including abandoning military aggression, creating economic incentives, engaging in direct dialogue with Iran, trying to persuade Iran's public opinion and to serve American national interests in the world, including the Middle East. Naturally, this transformation has served the American national interest in security, politics, and global cooperation, but the interests of governments and extremist groups within the US, the region, and the Zionist regime have been challenged by this Obama-led strategy of dialogue.

After the nuclear deal era has led to emergence of a new order and different point of views about identity of power and regional authority of Iran and following that, Saudis and Zionists started to interact with each other, and tried to resist and rally against dual power of Iran more than before. In this paper, efforts have been made to respond to this question by utilization of constructivist theory that what effects has post-sanctions era had on the Saudi-Zionist affected the relations against Iran? To answer this main question, a hypothesis is raised that post-sanctions era has intensified identity of hostile equations and constructed equation of power between Iran and Saudi-Zionist more than ever. Based on the hypothesis stated, the findings of the study are: Saudi-Zionist interactions and commonalities in Iran’s view after Nuclear Agreement, effort for accentuating and construction of violence-based role of Shiite ideas of Iran in the region, reunion of Saudi Teachings with constructions of Takfiri Groups like ISIS, false regional alliances against regional authority of Iran and Washington Movement toward Saudi Extremism direction and construction of raised metanarratives. The used method in this paper is descriptive-analytical and the method for collecting data is library-internet based

The nuclear deal between the Islamic Republic of Iran and P5+1 in 2015, JCPOA, ended to 12 years of crisis and tension between the two sides. What made the last round of negotiations between the parties, which began in 2013, to be successful unlike the previous rounds? This study seeks to provide an answer to the above question using a two level game theory in an eclectic manner. The results of this study indicate that, on the one hand, the effects of economic sanctions which led to the increase of economic problems and the unceasing increase in corruption in the country led to a consensus among the authorities to resolve the case as soon as possible, and hence, the JCPOA could be seen as the product of the Islamic republic of Iran in its entirety. On the other hand, the Islamic Republic’s resistance against sanctions and economic pressures and the development of the nuclear industry has led the western side to come to a conclusion that it is unlikely that Islamic Republic of Iran will abandon its nuclear program due to economic pressure. Therefore, a common interest between the Iranian side and the western side was created to close this case, which resulted in the agreement. Therefore, the JCPOA can be seen as the result of overlapping of the common interests of both sides.

Iran's nuclear program has become one of the major international and regional issues and agendas over the past two decades. Considering that Iran's nuclear agreement with the 5 + 1 group has international and regional dimensions and also with regard to the distinction between the semantic structures of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the international system and regional actors, This agreement focuses attention and concentration of actors and countries on the international and regional levels and they have reactions from them, among these activists can be pointed Saudi Arabia and Israel. Which has always pursued the particular sensitivities to Iran's nuclear program. So, the present article seeks to answer the question that iran-west nuclear deal how has affected on the relations and interactions between Saudi Arabia and Israel. The authors in responded to this question and by using security dilemma theory, this hypothesis experienced that iran-west nuclear deal has been the basis for strengthening Saudi-Israeli relations and political-security interactions. Method of research in this article is kind of descriptive-analytic and method of data collection is library and internet.

Today, multiple interpretation on JCPOA has been one of the contentious issues before Iran an U.S foreign policies. Generally, we are observing two readings about enforcement of JCPOA: the first approach argues that the agreement has a legal nature and hence, it is subject to the rules of international law. Therefore, two sides of the agreement are watching each others’ behavior under a legal treaty. The second approach emphasizing on the texts of the agreement and 2231 resolution argues that nuclear agreement and its enforcement are subject to political negotiations and agreements. And this is a positive point of the agreement. Employing descriptive – explanatory research method, this article regarding lack of consensus on the nature of Iran’s Deal is going to answer this question whether nuclear agreement (JCPOA) and its enforcements have a political or legal nature. The findings of the article regarding epistemic differences between legal and political studies as the assumption show that the agreement and its enforcement have a political nature, not a legal one.

When Hassan Rouhani came to power, Iran began new round of negotiations with 5+1 group’s member states which eventually gave rise to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). In this regard, despite reduction of tensions and consequently reviving Iran and Europe relations, not only Iran-China ties were maintained, it also experienced a remarkable development. Main question of the present research is that what factors have played a key role in development of Iran-China relations after the nuclear agreement or JCPOA. The research by utilizing analytical-descriptive method and applying pragmatic paradigm in the framework of the neo-realism theory, argues that some factors such as China loyalty to Iran during difficult situation of the sanctions, Iran’s continuing mistrust to the West despite reviving the relationship, Tehran-Beijing mutual economic necessities,  Iran’s geopolitics and geostrategic importance for China, mutual needs for countering the radicalism, terrorism, fundamentalism and also opposing to the present international order and the US unilateralism have caused Iran and China in addition to maintain the ongoing level of interactions and political and economic relations, they also try to develop bilateral ties further.

The international political economy of oil is influenced by social, economic and strategic factors. Due to enjoying this natural resource, countries like Iran have been confronted with this rule. During the post-Cold War years, the world experienced an evolution in the structure and processes of the global economy. In the years after the collapse of bipolar structure when the capitalist system gained a more effective stature in the global politics and economics, new forces emerged among the factors affecting the international politics and economics. The political economy of oil can be considered as dependence or isolation of countries as player in global economy system. Thus, countries with oil-oriented economy tend to adopt their strategic policies based on economic requirements and public needs of the global economy. In this regard, Iran situation seems to be completely different. The approval of various bills concerning the economic sanctions against Iran and their enforcement is influenced by a variety of factors such as policy-making on the political economy of oil. There have been different approaches taken by the US, the EU and several industrial nations so as to mitigate the Iranian strategic capabilities. In such circumstances, the US strategic constraints against the Middle Eastern countries and the international system have generally concentrated on the requirements of the global economy. Such requirements have constantly been regarded as the major factor in decision-making on policy-making on oil political economy whenever it came to how the industrial countries should deal with the Middle-east actors including Iran. This paper is a descriptive research in which policy of political economy of oil is independent variable and volatile oil prices and the economic sanctions of the Islamic Republic has been considered as the dependent variable. It also revolves mainly around how the Geneva talks, the negotiations in Vienna as well as the nuclear agreement between Iran and the P5+1 known as the Joint Action Plan are subject to policy-making on political economy of oil. In fact, all the international negotiations and cooperative models are affected by the political economy of policies made by the countries and the international system.