جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "جنبش های اجتماعی جدید" در نشریات گروه "علوم اجتماعی"

One of the political and social events that significantly influenced the societal ambiance was the 2022 protests. This study aims to examine the social underpinnings of the presence of women in the protests of the fall of 2022 and to demonstrate the repercussions on society and the government. This study concentrates on the civil layer of the 2022 protest uprising, despite the fact that it encompassed various layers of protest. For this purpose, 28 interviews were conducted with female political and social activists using the qualitative study and grounded theory method and theoretical sampling. The collected data were coded and analyzed based on open, central and selective coding.The categories and themes that were extracted from the interviews demonstrated the significance of the disparity between the “women’s mentality” and their “legal and social objectivity” in the protests of 2022. The political system has been further exacerbated by the non-acceptance of women by the government, as well as the control of women’s attire and lifestyle, which has been linked to the political identity of the government for decades. This has resulted in a shift in value and attitude. These protests have had significant societal, social, and cultural repercussions, and they have also elevated the government’s concern regarding women’s attire.This protest layer was a women’s protest that was centered on the reclamation of the lifestyle and the type of new social movements. It is related to those who experience “control” and “humiliation” in their lived experience. The movement’s reiteration of the slogan “woman, life, freedom” is a protest against thedirective character of orderly and governmental life and a demand for “social and cultural freedom.”

Social movements have been pervasive phenomena in the last decade and have been called new social movements because of their networked and different nature. The current article has tried to provide a theoretical ideal type of protest actions as an analytical tool, by using the theoretical formulation of Miguel Ebensor and the theoretical descriptions of the theorists of the new movements. From the distinction between life movements / insurgent democracy, with the revolutionary moment / Insurrectionary democracy and reforms / Conflictual democracy. In order to reach this tool, the theoretical works done about the movements have been reviewed and empirically, it has benefited from the content analysis of the texts produced about the 1401 protests in Iran. In presenting the theoretical distinctions of the above three categories, the issue of Iran has been marginalized and the theoretical distinction of these three categories has been presented from the point of view of indicators such as starting point, message, nature, organization, forming groups, leadership and representation, involved places, Media and purpose.

Contrary to the common wisdom that traces the origin of environmental movements to the urban middle class, the existing empirical findings imply that such an account of environmentalism fails to provide a further approach. Environmental movements may emerge from non-urban settings or within different social classes and groups beyond the middle class. Since the state’s marginalizing structure and capital provoke environmental damage in peripheral regions, the social groups living there have been also put in jeopardy. In this respect, it is not coincidence that these peripheral settings are at the core of a variety of environmental movements, which are intricately linked to life and politics. This article, by reviewing the empirical research on environmental movements in Iran, shows that the majority of existing studies focus on the large cities in Iran. As they fall into the mainstream approach to environmental movements, their outcomes remain limited in understanding the inquiries on environmentalism in the periphery of Iran. Even if few studies provide some pertinent results to this research, they lack a conceptual framework to describe environmentalism in the periphery, which is at the hub of this paper. Through the consolidated reading of "center-periphery," "subaltern environmentalism," and "new social movement" theories, some key notions such as "internal colonialism," "subaltern environmentalism," "eco-nationalism," "internal mode of action," and "external mode of action" are then introduced and articulated in a speculative manner, drawing on Althusser's "overdetermination" approach.

Modern communication technologies in 1990s gave rise to new social movements and shaped and directed world public opinions, protests and created serious challenges for governments. So much so that it could be said through these technologies new social movements have played a key role in the civil developments across the world. The present article, first, looks into the important functions of the internet in social movements in terms of theory, and then, to substantiate the relevant theories, it examines Zapatista social movements, protests against World Trade Organization (WTO) and G-8 as well as peaceful movements. The findings show that from the mid-1990s onwards, the internet, through a range of capabilities including e-mail, websites, networking and shaping identity, has had remarkable effects on these movements’ success in mobilizing and encouraging rallies across the world.

Today’s study of the common effect condition on color revolution in target countries is one of the important issues on political sociology. In this paper, we used the John Stewart Mill’s method for finding the common cause factors. These factors are social movement, civil institutions, political culutres in societies, structures, national and international situation of government and hegemony power inventing. They have an important role in the of achievement color revolution. In this paper, we used new social movement theories, mass public behavioral theories and revolution theories through comparative analysis of the most important factors in color revolution on target countries. Then we compared the same factors in the condition of Iranian society. The results indicated that Iranian society suffers for the following: miss trust, lock of team work behavior, weakness of civil institutions development, incomplete modernization expeperience, and lack of preparedness for accepting the structural changes. Also, due to lack of strong opposition power and other factors, the probability of color revolution in Iran is very weak.

This article bring into focus the role of new social movements in the contemporary welfare landscape. It intends to analyze the problematic relationships between new social movements and welfare and social policy categories. Old social movements, or labour parties and movements, were, in the late modernity or in the industrial societies, the most important actors for influencing on the processes of formulation and reform of welfare and social security policies, but in recent post – industrial societies, new social movements have emerged that their focuses lay on identity and cultural concerns. Some of authors believe on fundamental difference between movement and class, and tell about the end of struggle for welfare and social policy in the new social movements. According to their points, class and labour movement fighted for improving the condition on life especially for labour and unprivileged class but new social movement are interested in cultural and identity problem. The main questions of this paper are as follow: what are the causes of formation of new social movements and consequences of them in the filed of social welfare; do new social movements theorists and actors dismiss the problems of poverty and unequality; In the context of globalization of unequality and decline of welfare state and in the age of inability of working class for self-organization and shift in intellectuals and theorists concerns and interests, thinking in poverty problem and actoring for redeem of unjustice on the level of new social movements in ending. The main methods of this article for the assessment of the compatibility between new social movements and welfare aims are documentary study and analytical argumentation. This article for answering its questions and evaluating of relations between new social movements and welfare and social policy, in the first place, review the related theorists thoughts and then examine the most important sociological explanations of new social movements emergence, and simultaneous changes in social welfare landscape and policies. This theoretical and conceptual study provides necessary condition for understanding the different approaches of new social movements to objects and policies of social welfare. New social movements could be distinguished in term of different organizations, policies, goals and methods in comparison to old social movement. Leading theorists of new social movements like Ingelhart, Habermas, Giddens, Touraine and Castels examine emergence of new social movements in relation to welfare categories. These different theories have a common idea about important influences of new social movements in formation new perspective in recent societies for integrating of social welfare in a more broder and more humanistic framework. Welfare state's deterioration coincides with a cultural change, or what Ingelhart named silent revolution, and the process of post-modernization. In later process with development of welfare and improvement of economic conditions, gradual passage from survival value toward self-expression values have occurred. This cultural space could change, or was parallel to, the new political atmosphere. These transformation induced new modes of thinking about and struggle for human condition's upgrading. New theory and action landscape has been reflected in new social movements.There are cultural, political and conceptual shifts in analysis and activities for regarding welfare and social policy, by theorists and activists of new social movements. final section of this article, based on conceptual and analytical analysis and argumentations in the process of the whole body of the paper, propose the possibility of reconciliation and interaction between new social movements theorists and welfare and social policy's researchers. new social movements do not overlook the welfare problems but open new windows for seeing the neglected aspects of human welfare. They bring new methods and procedures into focus for formulating and reforming the welfare categories, and develop new perspectives for research on these affairs. According to final conclusion of our paper, new social movements can be compatible with the reflection and contemplation for finding new modes of policies in favour of human welfare.