جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "دولت رفاه" در نشریات گروه "علوم اجتماعی"

Economic resilience is the ability to withstand economic impulses in the face of sudden risks. Insurance funds are one of the main components of society's resistance at the macro and micro levels. "Sustainable insurance" is considered one of the most important pillars of the social security system in achieving development goals, including sustainable economic growth and social support. The aim of the research is sociological analysis of the concept, dimensions and indicators of economic resilience of insurance funds. The qualitative method was conducted using Delphi interviews. 12 interviews were conducted with "purposive" sampling method. The sample size was based on theoretical saturation. The findings of the research showed that Iran's economy is a combination of 2 neoliberal economic approaches and the welfare state. Resilience indicators of insurance funds include sustainability, redundancy, tact, reaction to risk, recovery. Among the components related to the economic resilience index, the component of redundancy and revivability has been of special importance. Insurance funds are severely challenged in the three characteristics of sustainability, adequacy of benefits and quality of governance. The status of the indicators related to these three characteristics has caused the "resilience" of the funds to become a serious risk. On the one hand, pension funds in Iran are facing investment restrictions because they are not connected to global financial markets, and on the other hand, they are facing political imposition in the management of their economic units. These two features distinguish them from their peers in the field of investment. The economic resilience of insurance funds is affected by the resistance economy, and this issue is a clear distinction from other countries. It can be said that the current situation of resilience of insurance funds is not so favorable. As a result, it can be stated that regarding the social security organization, resilience can be measured with actuarial calculations and based on this, by introducing different shocks to the organization, its financial consequences can be evaluated. Without considering these calculations and taking into account key indicators such as support ratio, capital return rate, available resources and the government's financial situation, it seems that the social security fund should also be described as a fragile fund.

The present research aimed at studying the effects of religiousness and political orientation on justice feeling among Iranian citizens regarding Iranian government´s welfare plans. This perspective is important because the political sovereignty of Iran with an inseparable tie with religion tries to have a different attitude towards social welfare and justice based on religious concepts. The present research framework was developed based on the theories of criticizing the government of welfare and Bourdieu´s theory. The present research was carried out by survey method and using questionnaire administered among Khoramabad citizens in 2021. The research sampling was designed through integrating cluster sampling and disproportionate stratified sampling with 400 as the sample volume. The results showed that Khorramabad citizens have not an equal attitude towards Iranian governments´ social welfare plans. Regarding the three previous governments, Khoramabad citizens assessed welfare plans of Khatami´s government as higher than that of Rohani´s government. Regarding their hope for the next government´s welfare plans, majority of the population predict the same or worse conditions. The research results showed that their commitment towards religious rituals and political orientations have effects on their assessment of a government´s welfare plans, i.e., the individuals with fundamentalist orientation and religious believes assess plans for distributive justice higher. The results also showed that priorities in the individuals´ orientation or attitude resulted in accepting or rejecting governmental institutions in their minds; moreover, the individuals assess securing the social needs and distributive justice in the governments´ welfare plans as biased for or against them.

By adopting a sociological approach, the present research tries to study distributive justice feeling among Khorramabad citizens regarding welfare programs of the Iranian Government; meanwhile, it reviews different approaches to relationship between development, distributive justice, and social welfare. The present research was carried out by survey method and using questionnaire in March, 2022. By considering social welfare levels in different urban regions in Khorramabad, the research sampling was designed through integrating cluster sampling and disproportionate stratified sampling with 400 as the sample volume. The results showed that the distributive justice feeling of Khorramabad citizens regarding social welfare was low, and only 2.4 % of the people considered this feeling high. And, regarding its different dimensions, i.e., distribution of job opportunities, employment, and governance, they felt more discrimination, and the feeling came to the lowest point regarding the dimensions of individual freedoms and their use of media and communications.Examining the hypotheses, the results showed that the variables social welfare needs, trust level for welfare programs of the government, and the amount of economic capital are more interdependent with the variable distributive justice feeling regarding governmental welfare programs. The regression analysis findings showed that independent variables predict 50.8 % of the variable variance of distributive justice feeling level regarding social welfare programs of the government. Among them, the net effect of the variable welfare needs ...

Using an analytical approach and proposing the question: How is the convergence of social policy and social work possible? this study aims to investigate the role of social work in social policy development and the effect of welfare ideologies, and consequently social policies on social work. This paper identifies and conceptualizes the areas of interest to express this relationship in two axial roles: 1) the minimalist role in which the social worker is only the executor of social policy. In this situation, the social worker appears in the role of social policy executor in organizations and centers that provide social services, and 2) the extremist role in which the social worker acts as the social policy reformer. In this situation, the social worker embarks on a plan to analyze the existing problem, to present a research proposal, and even approve the policy at the same time with implementing the social policies to determine the agenda for implementing or preventing the implementation of a policy. In this role, the social worker both helps with developing the effective social work in a two-way interaction with social policy and help with the dynamicity and evolution of the social policy in an organic connection; the synergy interaction which is considered as a necessity for up-to-date social work and applied social policy in Iran.

Given the importance of comparative studies in order to utilize the experiences and achievements of other societies in the field of welfare policies and programs, the present paper is intended to provide a suitable framework for such studies by identifying and introducing the most prominent welfare systems around the world. To this end, firstly the most outstanding theoretical and empirical efforts in the field of welfare systems typology in the past two decades are reviewed and various countries which fall in each category are identified. Moreover, performance of various welfare systems is evaluated according to three indicators, namely: reduction in poverty, protection against labor market risks, and rewards for labor participation. Besides, characteristics of welfare systems in developing and less developed countries are studied and existing welfare arrangements in these countries are addressed. The paper ends with a brief review of the characteristics of the Iranian welfare system according to various provisions of the Iranian Constitution as well as the main developments in the welfare system of the country in recent years.

This study is going to show the inherent contradictions and logical results of welfare state regarding to classical attitudes and to list Popper’s theory of welfare state against these attitudes. Then the view points of modern critics will be discussed and the response ability of each philosophical bases of welfare state will be tested. Then the following questions will be replied: 1- how welfare will be realized in Popper’ s view? 2- what’ s the theoretical base of making welfare state in Popper’ s view? this study has been done by referring to studies and documents in library. Bentham and Mill’s welfare theory has been based on providing more welfare for more people in society. Disagreed with these classic philosophers and agreed with M.Oakeshott and R.Nozick, Popper believes that determining any welfare for people is a great mistake that leads to autocratic governments and since it is too difficult to determine welfares for people in a society, there is no general agreement on it and most of them aren’t the same and sometimes they are even contradictory. But on the contrary with welfare state opponents, Popper doesn’t consider welfare state extermination as a solution, but provides a more reasonable solution. He believes that instead of increasing welfare for more people, avoidable suffering and stress should be decreased. According to Popper, the state is a necessity, also he believes that the state should be authorized in some cases in order to cope with its welfare aims for society. While some philosophers such as Bentham and Mill expected the state to do a lot of duties but chanted slogan of reducing the state. Also this Popper’s view is against what hasn’t been considered by M.Oakeshott and R.Nozick. They believe in absolute freedom of human and consider no authority for the state. But according to Popper’s attitude, there are two basic problems: firstly, boundless freedom of human finally will lead to lack of freedom and secondly, some social problems such as poverty, contrast and discrimination will be increased. But Popper solution is more realistic and will decrease social problems by giving more authorities to the state. Finally Popper suggests Graduate Social Engineering to achieve welfare state aims which is a way to find and overcome more general and main problems of the society.

In 1930s, the idea of providing general welfare and welfare state appeared in industrial countries due to the belief in the ability of left forces in solving misfortunes that people entangled in; because of financial crisis in industrialized societies, expanded poverty, starvation and epidemic diseases which led millions of people to the hopelessness. Welfare states achieved outstanding success at the beginning but they started to move down at the end of the 20th century. Since theoretical basis suffered from inherent contradictions of its founders, critics pointed at the philosophical basis of welfare states. This article studies the theoretical basis of welfare states and reveals their contradictions and problems. Then according to the Popper’s philosophical point of view and his social attitudes, the theoretical basis of welfare states will be listed in comparison with Bentham's and Mill's thoughts. The writers of this study have attempted to show that unlike many other liberalists who disagree with any state patriarchy, Popper intends to maintain some dimensions of it which are necessary to make a less deprived society. According to Popper, state is a necessity; also he believes that government should be authorized in some cases in order to cope with its welfare aims for society. Unlike Bentham & Mill who believe in more welfare for more people, Popper proposes to minimize the avoidable stress. To achieve his aim, Popper suggests Graduate Social Engineering.

The aim of this paper is to have a general analysis of the obstacles to the development of a social policy in the post-revolutionary Iran by emphasizing on the places of social policy in the development plans. The paper argues that these plans, more than anytime in the past insist on focusing on the different issues in social policy and welfare in different parts, particularly on social protection issues, as by the post revolutionary constitutional law the state is defined as a welfare state. The paper also argues that despite the fact that the decision makers try to bring social policy to be higher up the agenda, to ensure the well-being of all of their citizens, the plans suffer the lack of a comprehensive social policy in the sense that there is no social policy discourse to fill the gap between theory and practice. Thus, the challenges facing the government in order to develop such a policy program in terms of social policy choices is how to bring together real stakeholders, whether the third sector in the society or social groups, theoreticians, elites and policy makers, to discuss the subject matter within focus groups and workshops. In addition, the paper tries to focus on the role of the stakeholders in the various sectors, i.e., public, private and voluntary sectors, and social groups to draw a realistic and accomplishable social policy program, a focus on the strengths and weaknesses of such programs and making priorities in the social policy. We suppose that we have to learn lessons by classical welfare states and their recent crisis which led to the argument of the end of the welfare state but we need an Iranian style of social policy in order to target the main challenges facing the state and the society by taking our opportunities.

This paper is primarily devoted to review the ideas and views of some of the modern classic and twentieth century scholars on "Social Justice". Then, it is discussed on the relationship between these theories and welfare state, strategies of economic development and social justice. Reflections of Hobbes and Kant are reviewed as two important modern classic theories. Hobbes believes that human being by nature seeks his/her profits and acts based on the natural rights which is a tendency toward self-interests. He emphasizes that state is the only social regulator which establishes social justice. Individuals comply with the regulations of the state just because of the advisability and fear from anarchy.Therefore, according to Hobbes, justice is impossible without state hence justice is a by product of the state not people.On the contrary, Spinoza does not consider human being profit-seeking by nature.Kant also believes human being can not function on the basis of its self-essence and can not achieve justice and virtue this way.He furthermore elaborates that justice is solely achievable through rational demands. Accordingly Kant unlike Hobbes denies the relation between rationality and profit by the decree of intellect.In twentieth century, two major schools of thoughts of John Rawls and Amartya Sen are reviewed in this article. Rawls believes justice is the piety of social system, he thinks justice is the righteous choice when there is maximum freedom and inequality is justified as long as it is not threatening the interests of the low-income social group, In fact Rawls set up a fair-choice system before us and indicates that society can not establish justice unless it first achieves the civil-law which guarantees the fair-choice to people.Amartya Sen considers freedom of choice and socio-political participation of people as a prerequisite to development and justice. Rawl's ideas as comprehensive thoughts to explain justice thoroughly is reviewed in this article. Subsequently, the welfare state and its reformist changes are discussed. In this section some of the criticisms to the welfare state are mentioned and two approaches of "welfare society" and "risk society" are considered as amending revisions to the welfare state which emphasize on more participation of people in the social risks and benefits. In this paper challenges of economic growth and redistribution are discussed and the three strategic of "growth then redistribution", "redistribution then growth" and "growth with redistribution" are considered in more details. It is concluded that the third strategies approach, "growth with redistribution", is the approach of choice for resolving the concerned issues in this regard.The three approaches are considered in three different periods: eight years of the imposed war, eight years of post-war reconstruction period, and eight years of subsequent reformist government. It is concluded that the strategy of "redistribution then growth" was implemented during the Iran-Iraq war and the strategy of "growth then redistribution" was the major approach during reconstruction period and the first four-year of reform, and the strategy of growth with redistribution was taken during the second four-year of reform. Finally, with respect to the social and political demands of the Iranians, the growth with redistribution is concluded to be best instrumental for securing growth and social justice in Iran.The article studies the three factors of Rawl's justice, welfare society, and risk society in line with the " growth with redistribution" approach in order to better explain the "growth with redistribution" strategy.

This paper explores the development of social services in Japan in terms of the broader concepts of welfare Orientalism and Occidentalism . The focus of this paper is on the roles-both negative and positive-played by the "West" in the construction of Japanese social service provision, not only literally in the form of foreign advisers in the early Meiji and post-war Occupation periods, but also metaphorically as a "model" for Japanese social policy makers either to emulate or to avoid . It concentrates in particular on the system of voluntary welfare commissioners called the minseiiin seido and how their role has been variously integrated in the light of ideas about how social welfare has 'developed, and should develop, in the future in Japan in comparison with "Western" societies . The significance of these debates extends beyond welfare since, underlying them, are fundamental ideas about the role and the nature of the "person", the "family", the "community", and as well as the concepts of "civic duties", "rights" and "citizenship", and how these may differ in Japan and North American and West European societies, leading thereby to very different social ideas about "welfare" .