جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "دولت رفاه" در نشریات گروه "علوم انسانی"

Economic resilience is the ability to withstand economic impulses in the face of sudden risks. Insurance funds are one of the main components of society's resistance at the macro and micro levels. "Sustainable insurance" is considered one of the most important pillars of the social security system in achieving development goals, including sustainable economic growth and social support. The aim of the research is sociological analysis of the concept, dimensions and indicators of economic resilience of insurance funds. The qualitative method was conducted using Delphi interviews. 12 interviews were conducted with "purposive" sampling method. The sample size was based on theoretical saturation. The findings of the research showed that Iran's economy is a combination of 2 neoliberal economic approaches and the welfare state. Resilience indicators of insurance funds include sustainability, redundancy, tact, reaction to risk, recovery. Among the components related to the economic resilience index, the component of redundancy and revivability has been of special importance. Insurance funds are severely challenged in the three characteristics of sustainability, adequacy of benefits and quality of governance. The status of the indicators related to these three characteristics has caused the "resilience" of the funds to become a serious risk. On the one hand, pension funds in Iran are facing investment restrictions because they are not connected to global financial markets, and on the other hand, they are facing political imposition in the management of their economic units. These two features distinguish them from their peers in the field of investment. The economic resilience of insurance funds is affected by the resistance economy, and this issue is a clear distinction from other countries. It can be said that the current situation of resilience of insurance funds is not so favorable. As a result, it can be stated that regarding the social security organization, resilience can be measured with actuarial calculations and based on this, by introducing different shocks to the organization, its financial consequences can be evaluated. Without considering these calculations and taking into account key indicators such as support ratio, capital return rate, available resources and the government's financial situation, it seems that the social security fund should also be described as a fragile fund.

Natural disasters are inevitable, and governments must plan ahead to prepare for them. The COVID-19 pandemic posed a daunting challenge; however, some countries outperformed others. Why were various approaches employed? Why were some of those approaches more effective? Trying to address these questions, we adopted a descriptive-comparative method to discover the causes of variations in states' performances. Hypothesizing that a key factor would be the nature of the economic system, we reviewed different references. This study reveals that the unequal capitalistic system, with its selective elimination of cost-intensive social service sectors based solely on cost-benefit analyses, placed powerful nations like the US and the UK in a vulnerable position at the height of the crisis. The disparity in economic systems and states' perceptions of the pandemic resulted in diverse responses, different mortality rates, and varying economic repercussions. This study further highlights the three-stage nature of pandemic crisis management: initial or entry phase, containment or management, and exit. Poor preparedness in the initial phase hampered the performance of neoliberal nations such as the US and the UK in the subsequent phase. However, their success in the final phase was notable, largely attributed to the development of vaccines. On the contrary, the preparedness of Germany and Sweden in the initial phase, due to government planning and more robust social services, paved the way for their success in the crisis management and exit phases. In a similar vein, Japan's early preparedness, stemming from its ingrained cultural norms and government investments in education, contributed to success in subsequent phases.

The present research aimed at studying the effects of religiousness and political orientation on justice feeling among Iranian citizens regarding Iranian government´s welfare plans. This perspective is important because the political sovereignty of Iran with an inseparable tie with religion tries to have a different attitude towards social welfare and justice based on religious concepts. The present research framework was developed based on the theories of criticizing the government of welfare and Bourdieu´s theory. The present research was carried out by survey method and using questionnaire administered among Khoramabad citizens in 2021. The research sampling was designed through integrating cluster sampling and disproportionate stratified sampling with 400 as the sample volume. The results showed that Khorramabad citizens have not an equal attitude towards Iranian governments´ social welfare plans. Regarding the three previous governments, Khoramabad citizens assessed welfare plans of Khatami´s government as higher than that of Rohani´s government. Regarding their hope for the next government´s welfare plans, majority of the population predict the same or worse conditions. The research results showed that their commitment towards religious rituals and political orientations have effects on their assessment of a government´s welfare plans, i.e., the individuals with fundamentalist orientation and religious believes assess plans for distributive justice higher. The results also showed that priorities in the individuals´ orientation or attitude resulted in accepting or rejecting governmental institutions in their minds; moreover, the individuals assess securing the social needs and distributive justice in the governments´ welfare plans as biased for or against them.

The Nordic welfare state model has garnered attention from thinkers due to its unique approach to development and modernization. At the core of Nordic development lies a combination of social welfare policies and the provision of appropriate social services by the government. The aim of this research is to understand the development model in the Nordic countries based on a hybrid-regional logic. The central question of the current study is: what are the characteristics of the Nordic hybrid development model, and what logic of development has it provided for the Scandinavian region? In addressing the main question, the paper utilizes a qualitative-descriptive method within the framework of economic sociology, examining the social logic of development in the Nordic region. It analyzes the main features of the hybrid development models in this region, which include the Nordic welfare state model, the political economy of quality governance, knowledge-based services, and Nordic foreign policy. The foundation of development in the Nordic region is the meaningful creation of a normal and quality life in the material world. For the Nordics, development is a social lifestyle meant for better well-being, which has led to the positive reputation of these countries in the international system and has linked the name and brand of this region with development.

By adopting a sociological approach, the present research tries to study distributive justice feeling among Khorramabad citizens regarding welfare programs of the Iranian Government; meanwhile, it reviews different approaches to relationship between development, distributive justice, and social welfare. The present research was carried out by survey method and using questionnaire in March, 2022. By considering social welfare levels in different urban regions in Khorramabad, the research sampling was designed through integrating cluster sampling and disproportionate stratified sampling with 400 as the sample volume. The results showed that the distributive justice feeling of Khorramabad citizens regarding social welfare was low, and only 2.4 % of the people considered this feeling high. And, regarding its different dimensions, i.e., distribution of job opportunities, employment, and governance, they felt more discrimination, and the feeling came to the lowest point regarding the dimensions of individual freedoms and their use of media and communications.Examining the hypotheses, the results showed that the variables social welfare needs, trust level for welfare programs of the government, and the amount of economic capital are more interdependent with the variable distributive justice feeling regarding governmental welfare programs. The regression analysis findings showed that independent variables predict 50.8 % of the variable variance of distributive justice feeling level regarding social welfare programs of the government. Among them, the net effect of the variable welfare needs ...

Poverty is one of the most prominent socio-economic disturbances, requiring various policies in numerous fields to solve it. One of the prerequisites for the success of these policies is their design based on the precise identification of causes. In this research, authors, through collecting data in a library form and describing and analyzing their content, have comparatively investigated the views of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) and the three schools of liberalism, socialism, and welfare state about the causes of poverty. This article aims to design and implement the most efficient and appropriate policies while revealing the reason for the similarities and differences of poverty alleviation policies. According to the findings of the research, the cause of poverty from Amir al-Mu'minin's (AS) point of view is not focused on individual shortcomings as mentioned by liberalism, nor on structural defects as mentioned by socialism; instead, like the welfare state, it pays attention to both aspects. Despite this, according to Amir al-Mu'minin's (AS) approach, some causes of poverty in the three schools of liberalism, socialism, and welfare state are acceptable, and some are unaccepta

Welfare regimes represent the set of welfare policies and programs of a country in the field of opinion and practice,which form the welfare structure of a country and for the very important goals of welfare,including the happiness and well-being of citizens, the development of society,and also the very wide effects that the lack of welfare components in societies have(such as injuries, deviance and crimes),has been the focus of social and criminal policy makers.In this article, by using the descriptive-analytical method, welfare structure based on upstream documents as a legal theory and perspective, as well as the country's welfare status in the international arena aswelfare practice and function are examined.And it is analyzed.The results of this research show that, on the one hand,the fundamental laws in Iran, despite the intensity and weakness of the welfare programs,indicate a relatively comprehensive view and the desire to implement the welfare state system of the social democratic type, and on the other hand, the state of welfare indicators in Legatum's report shows the very unfavorable state of welfare in the country and Iran's inappropriate position in the international and even regional arena.Also, the comparison of welfare indicators in the Legatum report shows that in terms of the welfare system, Iran is next to the less efficient informal supply countries.Therefore, there is a huge gap between what is introduced in theory as the welfare policies resulting from the basic laws and the practice that is the result of the current state of welfare in the country.

The management and status of pension funds have always been a major concern in modern societies. In terms of functions, these funds have a multifaceted impact. The deterioration of pension funds can have serious effects on society and the economy. The situation of pension funds in Europe has long been under scrutiny, and legal studies in this area are conducted with foresight and caution. Officials realized that neglect of the pension funds could engulf these funds in a crisis of legitimacy and efficiency. Therefore, they implemented continuous reforms according to the requirements of each country. In this paper, an attempt has been made to examine the evolution of the concept of social support in European countries in the context of the welfare state. However, it should be borne in mind that the level of development of the funds is not the same among European countries. Also, the role of the European Union in implementing reforms in the pension programs of member states is significant.

Policymakers of the structural adjustment strategy in the country's development plans have introduced the causes of lag as welfare policies of the state in the field of Public policy. While welfare policies were in accordance with the Islamic Republic of Iran constitution’s principles. Then its main consequence is to marginalize the socio-economic dimension of citizenship rights such as housing, education, health and other welfare indicators. Citizenship rights have three dimensions: civil rights, political rights, and socio-economic rights. A reaction that was formed in opposition to the socio-economic dimension of citizenship rights include the formulation and implementation of structural adjustment policies in the field of government policy and management, along with contemporary criticism of the welfare state as an agent for the realization of citizenship rights. The purpose of this paper is to explain the reactionary arguments of free market economists in opposition to the welfare states based on Albert Hirschman theory (The Rhetoric of Reaction: Perversity, Futility, Jeopardy). The analytical-documentary method is used to examines the oppositions' arguments of welfare state. Findings show that in the beginning, the argument of perversity was used more than other arguments in justifying the strategy of structural adjustment in the development plans of the country, But in other periods, especially nowadays, the most influential argument is the jeopardy argument for ignoring the socio-economic rights that is came true by welfare state policymaking. The argument of futility has always played the role of a Subsidiary and spare argument.

A welfare state is a government in which the provision and improvement of public welfare is the legal duty of the institutions of power. But this goal does not constitute an extra-legal act, or in other words, an act against the law by executors or citizens. Such a government will help all those who, for whatever reason, cannot afford it. This is done through the payment of a pension (minimum income) or other cash assistance. A welfare state means having prudent and intelligent policies to ensure at least a minimum standard of living for all and to promote equality in life opportunities, in which there is no doubt that all formal institutions need to focus on the provision of public services; Social security is a universal system of compulsory insurance. Social insurance consists of pension insurance, government health insurance, unemployment insurance and accident insurance; Governments provide social security because markets have failed to insure many of the important risks to individuals. On the other hand, the welfare state is a completely law-abiding government because the provision of free services always makes the profiteers think of abusing the predefined welfare benefits, which must be prevented and the violators punished. We will pay the duties of the Social Security Organization in order to provide services and fully comply with the laws

The Nordic model has become a brand at the international political economy; the adoption of the social-democratic model has had more effects than a pure economic consequences. However, although the application of the principles of free market, innovation and free trade has brought welfare states into the industrialized world with high levels of GDP and high quality of living standards, it is this special social construction and political stability that has enabled them to experience this level of economic and social capital. This social construction and political stability is the result of the intellectual-social context of the Nordic field. Nordic universal welfare states have a system of social welfare, the provision of social and public services. Each tradition has formed a hybrid system of both the social democratic model and capitalist model in the Nordic region. The current studyaims to find how socio-cultural traditions have formulated both the formation and the solution of the difficulties and dilemmas of the Nordic model of universal welfare state. Consequently, based on a descriptive-explanatory method, this article examines the socio-cultural traditions of the Nordic society, including the free peasant tradition, the socialist utopia tradition, the capitalist and the governing tradition, and explains how to configure these traditions in principles foundations of "human development", "hybrid economy", "social capital" and "public trust", "equality", "solidarity and property" and "Nordic development model".

One of the most fundamental issues in any social school is to explain the role of the government in the economy. Scientists and jurists have considered it for decades. The main question is: what are the responsibilities of the government in ensuring the welfare of citizens? According to the hypothesis, the welfare state is committed to providing services and financial support to citizens from public revenues. The present article is written in a descriptive-analytical method and a library method. The article aims to review the obligations and duties of the welfare state in ensuring the welfare of citizens. Finally, the authors concluded, according to the Charter of Citizenship Rights and the Constitution, the duty of the government is to ensure fundamental rights for the welfare of citizens

Using an analytical approach and proposing the question: How is the convergence of social policy and social work possible? this study aims to investigate the role of social work in social policy development and the effect of welfare ideologies, and consequently social policies on social work. This paper identifies and conceptualizes the areas of interest to express this relationship in two axial roles: 1) the minimalist role in which the social worker is only the executor of social policy. In this situation, the social worker appears in the role of social policy executor in organizations and centers that provide social services, and 2) the extremist role in which the social worker acts as the social policy reformer. In this situation, the social worker embarks on a plan to analyze the existing problem, to present a research proposal, and even approve the policy at the same time with implementing the social policies to determine the agenda for implementing or preventing the implementation of a policy. In this role, the social worker both helps with developing the effective social work in a two-way interaction with social policy and help with the dynamicity and evolution of the social policy in an organic connection; the synergy interaction which is considered as a necessity for up-to-date social work and applied social policy in Iran.

Since the elimination of poverty and deprivation is one of the most important issues and concerns of the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the founding documents, choosing a theory appropriate to this system to eradicate poverty is of great importance. Thus, examining and determining the relationship between the theory of welfare state as one of the theories of poverty alleviation with the legal system governing the Islamic Republic of Iran is an issue that requires serious reflection on the goals and programs governing both, to determine whether the welfare state theory can be deduced from the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran or not? And whether this theory is basically compatible with the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Beyond the failure of the welfare state theory in poverty alleviation from the countries that have used it, by examining the laws and ideology of the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it becomes clear that Legal coordination required between the theory with our current system does not exist and basically, it can be said that one of the reasons for the failure of solutions based on the theory of the welfare state such as subsidies and ... , due to the discrepancy between the theory of the welfare state and legal order and perspective that rules the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The welfare state, which gained many fans around the world after World War II and ruled for more than two decades, gradually revealed its weaknesses from the early 70 s. In fact, the welfare state was initially and a tool in the hands of the rulers to prevent stagnation and economic failure. However, in the 1970 s, the increase in inflation and welfare costs and increasing the duties of the government faced the government with serious problems. The welfare government is accused of focusing on bureaucracy and of inefficiency, creating exclusive welfare services that are the source of inflationary pressures, prioritizing consumption and redistribution of income and wealth, and having an adverse effect on self-reliance and the private sector, encouraging consumerism and reducing desire. The aim of the research is to criticize the principles of good governance of the welfare state from Hayek's point of view, and the research method is library.

After coronavirus pandemic in the early months of 2020 in the world, Alain Badiou, French Marxist philosopher, tried to analyze the issue on behalf of the government in an article. He declared that the bourgeoisie state must pay attention to more general interests at the same time it takes care of the interests belonging to its class. He defined the situation as a confrontation with a public enemy. The realistic efforts of Alain Badiou as an idealistic philosopher in understanding the French state was unexpected for all his colleagues and critics. This article tries to explain how the coronavirus pandemic is neither a philosophical nor a metaphysical situation through the criticisms of Alain Badiou's recent stance in the epidemic situation, and why Badiou's recommendations to Emmanuel Macron administration do not meant to justify ineffectiveness of Neoliberal policies confronting with the coronavirus pandemic. In order to find the answer, we try to define Badiou's philosophical approach and understand its relation to the concept of "event" as the central concept in his philosophical discourse and it goes on to examine how the Corona pandemic situation is not a philosophical event or situation, and that Allen Badiou's political stance against Macron's government in the current context, despite his conservative form, is further understood in his radical philosophy. Finally, the proposal of this political philosopher - moving towards a model similar to the welfare state - with the economic foundation and political model of the current hegemony in the capitalist world, is considered as a possible solution in the face of the corona situation.

Public law has become more prominent in the days of the government's increasing involvement in affairs of society and the determination of micro and macro policies through various laws and regulations born of governments, this has led to a decline in the scope of private law. the disappearance of private law can be attributed to the social rights of the people, because the government is the founder of these rules, even in the smallest private matters of individuals. The transition from economic liberalism and liberal governments to the emergence of welfare and regulatory governments has led to the expansion of state laws and the expansion of public law. The premise of this article is based on the principle that the extent of government regulation in the area of private law and the expansion of legislation in its field has led to an increase in the scope of public law,we can speak of an emerging paradigm called "public private law." Private law, all rules of which are born of government institutions and actors in the field of public law.

Liberalism encompasses a diverse range of political, economic, social, and cultural values that have been interpreted over time in various ways and have created various branches. This article deals with the main faces of economic liberalism. There have been three main branches of economic liberalism: Classical liberalism, egalitarian liberalism, and neo-liberalism. Classical liberalism has been developed in 19th century emphasizing the negative nature of freedom in the market. During the 20th century, two other faces of economic liberalism have been emerged. Egalitarian liberalism which likes a more equal distribution of benefits, and neo-liberalism which prioritizes economic liberalization policies such as privatization, deregulation, and free trade. Neo-liberalism supports the idea that free market needs a strong state in order to protect it.

In the last 30 years, the welfare state has been doubted and many believe that the welfare state is in conflict with the nature of modern and post-industrial capitalism. The financial crisis in the eurozone, which began in 2008, once again, has entered the state into European theoretical waves. And it led to serious reconsideration of state`s functions in the continent. With the onset of the second phase of the crisis, this idea has got power that the existence of a welfare state was the main cause of this crisis and economic downturn. In order to cover the deficit imbalance and the lack of State funding, many theories were put forward to reduce the burden on the state's social and welfare responsibilities. As a result, many European states were forced to apply profound structural reforms and adhere to austerity policies. The result of these policies was a significant reduction in wages, reduction of social services, and privatization of the public sector. The question is: how has the eurozone financial crisis affected the welfare state in the EU and what is the welfare state function in the European social model? The eurozone's financial crisis has lowered the quality of the welfare state in the European Union, due to the slowdown in economic growth, and the only way to save the welfare state is to create a growth with employment,which is achieved through increased competitiveness. To test the above hypothesis, the Danish sociologist Gustavo Sping-Andersen's model will be used.