جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « نهادگرایی تاریخی » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

Democratization stands as one of the most momentous occurrences of the 20th century, profoundly shaping the trajectory of social change in numerous societies. Throughout this era, waves of democratization swept across different nations and Iran was not exempt from this transformative tide. Considering a pivotal part of this democratization movement, the 1979 Revolution in Iran served as the focal point for this research. The objective was to delve into key concepts within the democratization literature, specifically examining the revolutionary period spanning from 1963 to 1979. To accomplish this, the research drew upon the conceptual models presented by Samuel Huntington, Gream Gill, and Charles Tilly, using their frameworks as a basis for analyzing the research data. Employing the historical institutionalism method, the primary and secondary historical references served as the primary sources of data. The findings of this study elucidated that the activities of the Rouhaniat institution and the emergence of underground Marxist parties in 1963 marked the inception of the Islamic revolution, ultimately leading to the events of 1978. Despite the state's efforts to regulate the democratization process by creating political space, historical incidents like the episode of  September 8 and the society's disillusionment with the state played pivotal roles in accelerating the democratization process.

Interpretation of the Islamic revolution in Iran is varied, encompassing Marxist, Islamic, and democratic perspectives. This research viewed the revolution of 1979 as a significant stride towards democratization in Iran. The historical institutionalism approach was employed to identify key historical factors and establish causal relationships between events. In this method, the researchers examined the chosen historical period to identify pivotal moments and trace the chain of events. Subsequently, the researchers elucidated the temporal and causal sequences that connected these events (Pierson, 2014: 227). To accomplish this, the research relied on a foundation of historical documents, including historical journals and books, as primary sources.

The research framework was rooted in concepts derived from theories on democratization processes. Charles Tilly's notion of mobilization of protesters finds support in the mosque networks and underground Marxist groups that facilitated a large-scale demonstration in 1979. Gream Geal's emphasis on civil society and the breakdown of elite unity was evident in historical actions, such as protest speeches and nationwide demonstrations in 1977. Indications of elite disunity included punishment of former political elites and the army's refusal to suppress the populace. Samuel Huntington's theory on the struggle to establish a new political order was reflected in the absence of nominations within the Rstakhis party and the demand for an Islamic republic.The process of democratization during this period originated from ideological disagreements between Islamic and underground Marxist groups and the state. In response, the state sought to suppress these dissenting actions by establishing its own party. Meanwhile, the society witnessed an increase in demonstrations and strengthening of civil society activities. However, the state also escalated violence against demonstrators, marking a pivotal historical moment known as the "Black Friday", which led to two subsequent significant events: widespread demonstrations and strikes. The persistence of street protests following these events ultimately culminated in the final stage of democratization characterized by the collapse of elite unity.Applying the historical institutionalism approach, the results demonstrated that after the incident of "Black Friday" in September 8th, 1978, the state responded with severe repression, using violence as a means to control the society. In turn, the society responded by intensifying its civil resistance, leading to a significant number of protests involving millions of participants and nationwide strikes. These events collectively formed a causal chain that played a central role in the process of the 1979 revolution.

In most socio-historical studies, the gap between the state and the nation has been introduced as a historical and inherent feature of the traditional Iranian society. This means that the state's lack of external legitimacy, as well as the lack of procedures that determine the rights and duties of the state and society, have led to the alienation of social forces and the state of each other, and the historical gap between state and society. Hence the only relationship between these two was the exercise of unilateral domination by the state over society and obedience and subordination of society to the state. Referring to the historical institutionalism approach and using Reactive sequences analysis, this article provides an alternative narrative of the relation between state and nation. In this narrative, on the contrary, to the theory of the historical gap between the state and the nation, the mutual needs of the state and social forces led to a specific institutional configuration in the Iranian society, that was based on a complex network of interactions between the four main institutions of central government, the clergy, tribes and the market, resulting in relatively stable institutional balance between these institutions. This institutional configuration was rooted in a series of Reactive sequences, which brought about the formation of the Safavid government based on numerous tribal and ideological foundations.

This paper focuses on developments in welfare policy and the main factors of these developments in the Pahlavi era. For this purpose, the development process has been studied in three historical periods: the period of Reza Shah, the period from the fall of Reza Shah to the coup of August 28, and the period from the coup to the Revolution. Organizational and institutional development shows that different factors were involved in the formation and development of welfare policies. The Pahlavi era is known as the beginning of the formation of the modern state in Iran. Nation-building and state-building occurred in this period in order to perform a variety of institutionalization; and welfare policies are also analyzed in this framework. But since September 1941 leftist movements were active in Iran and there were more demands for a greater role in shaping social welfare policies. But this factor reduced in effectiveness since the mid-1950s after the coup, and the government tried to increase his role by relying on the increase in oil revenues.

The Constitutional revolution in Iran at the late Qajarid dynasty resulted from a coalition of middle classes; however, it failed to be consolidated. This paper applies the structural-institutional approach to explain the instability of constitutional achievements and fragile coalitions between the revolutionaries. Five structural-institutional factors will be discussed as the causes of fragile coalitions. Analytical narrative is the method for explaining events. A matrix of institutional arrangements including imbalanced class structure, economic deficiencies, world-system situation, and incapacitated state were identified as the main factors that created instability. But the effect of weakly founded political institutions of constitutional period was the most important factor of the fragile coalitions, which resulted in conflicts between the political actors, loose agreements, and lack of structured system of decision making and achieving common aims.