جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "axis of resistance" در نشریات گروه "علوم اجتماعی"

Through the political developments in Lebanon and the emergence of resistance in the south of this country, unprecedented opportunities have arisen in the field of cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Lebanese resistance in various dimensions, especially in the field of culture. Along with the existing opportunities, there are also threats from Iran's enemies and the Lebanese resistance, which can be turned into opportunities by adopting new approaches in the fields of cooperation between these two actors. The main goal of this research is to provide strategies to develop and deepen relations between Iran and Lebanon's resistance in the field of culture and help foreign policy institutions. Library and document research methods for data collection, and the SWOT method with a descriptive and analytical approach were used for data analysis. Based on the findings, the Islamic Republic of Iran is facing challenges in its interaction and cooperation with the Lebanese Hezbollah movement, while the two actors have significant opportunities to develop and strengthen their relations. Therefore, by turning these strengths into opportunities, it is possible to develop and strengthen the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Lebanese resistance. One of the notable strengths is the coordinated leadership of Seyed Hassan Nasrallah with the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the solidarity between the Shiites of the two countries, which can lead to the promotion of Shiite identity and the culture of resistance against the Hebrew axis.

This has set the scene for both AOR supporting and AOR opposing media to step in the crisis. In this research, we investigated media consumption by Syrian students and its association with their attitudes toward the AOR. The statistical population was composed of all students at the Damascus University, out which a total of 383 individuals were selected through quota sampling to form the statistical sample of this study. Required data was collected through field surveys by means of a questionnaire, with the results analyzed by SPSS software. Face validity of the questionnaire was confirmed in two steps (performed in Iran and Syria), and its reliability was indicated by a Cronbach’s alpha exceeding 0.7. The research findings showed that the studied statistical population consume media at low levels. Focusing on their attitude toward the AOR, it was figured out that 0.5, 8.1, 61.6, and 29.8% of the subjects had highly negative, negative, moderate, and positive attitudes toward the AOR, respectively. Testing the research hypotheses, it was found that, despite the direct correlation of the consumption of domestic media to the attitude toward the AOR, no such significant correlation exists when it comes to social networks and foreign media. To sum up, the results showed that the attitude toward AOR is directly associated with the media consumption.

Currently, the axes of conflict in the political-security scene of West Asia are very complex and different alliances and fronts can be identified in different ways. In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran has defined its initiative in the form of resistance and confrontation with America, the Zionist regime and the growing compromise movement in the region. The current study with a descriptive-analytical approach deals with this fundamental question in the foreign policy of Iran that; what are the capacities and opportunities of the axis of resistance and the threats and challenges of development and interaction with this axis for Iran's national security? In the light of the concepts of Stephen Walt's balance of threat theory, the present study argues that the development of the axis of resistance, from the point of view of the general elements of power, creating proximity and strategic depth, the ability to create immediate threats and creating offensive intentions against the rival front and the enemy in order to deter, has a positive effect on the national integrity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and at the same time, due to the lack of economic convergence, increasing the level of competition and strengthening the rival front and their efforts to curb its influence, complicating the structure of regional governments, the risk of direct confrontation with hostile countries or the emergence of internal disputes, it has negative and threatening consequences on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The Syrian crisis, rather than being the result of internal political and social factors, was caused by the competition of important regional and international powers, which made it a battleground for a political settlement. In this regard, there are two outstanding regional actors, namely Israel and Saudi Arabia, whose policy toward the developments in Syria has been very important in terms of their specific impacts on the political-security equations of the region, as well as the interests and security of IRI. In a comparative context, the present article seeks to answer the main question of what policy Israel and Saudi Arabia has adopted regarding the Syrian crisis over the period 2011-2016. In response, the hypothesis raised that Israel and Saudi Arabia, despite their shared goal for weakening Syria as a country of the Axis of Resistance, had a contradictory approach to the future of the Syrian regime, how to intervene in it, and support for the terrorists. By applying the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism and adopting a comparative-hypothesis research strategy and a comparative-explanatory research method, this paper aims to answer the main question and test the respective hypothesis.