جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « خشونت سیاسی » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

Before the triumph of the constitution in Iran, collective identities were mainly based on family, tribe, clan, neighborhood, and religion, which can be called "ascribed identity." Power conflicts that led to political violence were manifested according to the social capacities of these identities. The fulcrum of this violence was the divine legitimacy of power, which ultimately led to violent conflicts that reproduced the existing social relations. After the establishment of the constitutional system in Iran, with the formation of modern organizations and the emergence of modernist organizational and "acquired" identities, as well as the growing trend of urbanization, the fulcrum of political violence shifted. On one hand, it became the law as a regulator of modern life, and on the other hand, it became the revolutionary ideals that manifested themselves in partisan, sectarian, and secretive organizations. This article, using the method of historical analysis, shows that political violence transformed from unwritten rules, ascribed identities, ascribed roles, personal will, tribal attribution, belief, continuity of existing order, arduous killing, and exclusion of specific people into political violence with written rules, acquired identities, acquired roles, organizational attribution, effortless killing, and the elimination of specific relationships to be replaced by new ideological relationships.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate the factors affecting political violence with emphasis on ethnic cleavage in West Azerbaijan province. Ethnic group relations are often associated with strife and tension in most societies. As long as group relations are normal in a society, there would be no problem for the social system. But when social groups, such as political groups and ethnic cultural interests, are attacked in terms of socio-economic interests, the social system becomes tense and social challenges, such as violence, arise in the society. Political violence means the use of force. It is a kind of inter-ethnic collective relation related to the realm of politics. Violence is a type of power that pursues a specific goal, and that is to define boundaries and prevent the exercise of another power. Aklaef (as cited in Salehi Amiri, 2009) believes that most of the violent ethnic conflicts are of a political nature and result from ethnic disputes over the position of groups in the political structure of such countries, as well as inter-group conflicts over the redistribution of power and the attainment of power. Frederick Barth believes that ethnic distinctions are the product of drawing and protecting borders, not the product of cultural differences that are obvious to the outside observer. Boundaries are always drawn in front of other people and are the basis for separating one group from another. Social boundaries are the opposite of objectified forms of social differences that are manifested in unequal access to resources (material and immaterial) and unequal distribution of social opportunities. Ethnic cleavages are social divisions and conflicts that go back to some manifestations of differences and structural incompatibility in a multi-ethnic society. This cleavage is widened by ethnic groups whose interests are in fundamental conflict with each other. This process leads to the acquisition of self-awareness and special values ​​for individuals belonging to each of these branched ethnic groups. These values ​systematically shape the collective identity of these conflicting groups and produce a blueprint for social behaviors and actions for members of these groups, thus creating a framework for violence and social conflict.

This research is a quantitative survey study. The main tool used in the data collection stage was a researcher-made questionnaire. The statistical population of the study consisted of citizens between the ages of 18 and 65 years in West Azerbaijan province with about 2116684 people. In the present study, the multi-stage cluster sampling method was used. For sampling, Cochran sampling formulas were used based on which 384 samples were selected for the study. After determining the sample size according to the geographical extent of West Azerbaijan province, Khoy (the majority of Turkish-speaking individuals) and Salmas (Turkish and Kurdish-speaking) were in the first cluster from the north of the province, Urmia (Turkish and Kurdish-speaking) from the provincial capital, and the cities of Naqadeh (Turkish and Kurdish-speaking) and Mahabad and Piranshahr (the majority of Kurdish-speaking) from the south of the province were selected. Then, based on the method of geographical division in five geographical regions of the cities, two regions were randomly selected. Sampling was done in which their citizens randomly answered the questions of the questionnaire. To test the research hypotheses, Pearson correlation coefficient, analysis of variance, and multiple regression were used simultaneously with SPSS version 24 software. The reliability of the questionnaire was based on Cronbach's alpha (political violence 0.82, ethnic cleavage 0.81, poor observance of civil rights 0.85, discrimination 0.89, ethnic voting pattern 0.80, and weak identity tolerance 0.71). To test the validity of the questionnaire, structural validity and factor analysis techniques were used.

The results of factor analysis on 14 questions of ethnic cleavage led to the extraction of three factors (ethnic denial, ethnic distance, and ethnic demarcation), with a specific value higher than one. Together, these three factors accounted for 53.55% of the variance of the ethnic cleavage. Also, the average score of political violence was 2.77, which is moderate to low compared to the score range (1 to 5).  The average rate of ethnic cleavage in the opinion of the respondents was 2.76, which is moderate to high compared to the score range (1.29 to 4.71).Analysis of the data from this survey showed that there was a direct and significant relationship between ethnic cleavage and its dimensions (ethnic denial, ethnic distance, and ethnic demarcation), poor observance of citizenship rights, discrimination, ethnic voting pattern, and poor identity tolerance with political violence. Simultaneous regression and path analysis showed that the variables of ethnic cleavage, ethnic voting pattern, weak observance of citizenship rights, discrimination, and the weakness of identity tolerance affected political violence and explained and predicted 28.3% of the variance of political violence.

The present study is aimed to investigate the impact of the role of relative deprivation (economic deprivation and societal deprivation) on the tendency of Tehrani citizens toward committing political violence. Since, over recent years, violent acts of citizens, especially in Tehran, is growing the sociological study of this phenomenon can be an important step toward recognizing the issue and making decisions based on scientific methods.

The present study, in terms of practical aim, is of explanatory-survey type. A self-made questionnaire was used to collect data. The population of this research includes all 18+ people resident in Tehran in 2020. The sample size was determined to be 1009 people, using SPSS sample power software. The samples of this research were selected using multi-stage cluster method. Following collecting information and entering data in SPSS, Cronbach's alpha coefficient for the variable of political violence, societal deprivation feeling and economic deprivation feeling were 0.78, 0.82 and 0.89, respectively. Statistical methods such as single variable analysis (Indicators of tendency toward focus and scattering) and structural equations modeling have been used.

The most important findings of the study indicate that economic deprivation feeling, did not directly influence the tendency toward political violence, and its impact on the dependent variable of the research (tendency toward political violence) indirectly makes sense through influencing social deprivation feeling. However, this level of impact is also very weak (the impact factor is 0.08). In contrast, social deprivation feeling with an impact factor of 0.29, has directly affected the tendency of citizens toward political violence. Economic deprivation feeling, with an impact factor of 0.28 has influenced social deprivation feeling.

The present study showed that growing social deprivation leads to tendency toward more political violence. It also came out that economic deprivation feeling does not directly affect the tendency toward political violence.

The study aims to explore suicide bombing attack as a media event and extends it to suicide bombing attacks carried out in the South-East of Iran. The present work is an ideographic qualitative study، which has been designed based on the communicative model of Suicide Bombing Attack as a Media Event and examines encoding process of militant Jundallah group، an Iranian extremist Sunni group، in its suicide bombing attacks. Qualitative contextual thematic analysis was applied on the group statements to understand concepts and meanings of its political violence discourse، and explore main discursive themes and elements of these social contexts. Since December 2008، militant Jundallah group entered a new period in fight with Iranian central government and it carried out five suicide bombing attacks in Balochistan province، in the South-East of Iran. The attacks were carried out in religious dates and sites related to resident Shiite minority in the region (3 attacks)، and on armed forces of the central government (2 attacks). The main themes of the group`s formal statements included weakening of the central government، taking revenge، autonomy of Balochistan province and establishing a regional government، defending Sunni religious beliefs، and also considering resident Shiite minority as alien. Political violence discourse of Jundallah group is a meaningful system، which reflects the regional position of this group as savior of Sunni Balochi people in contrast with the central Shiite government and in an international affirmative atmosphere. According to this definition، Jundallah group draws its utopia on Balochistan province which will be autonomic within Iran`s boundaries، politically; and demographically، it will have a united Sunni Balochi population; economically، it will be the center of Asian economy; and religiously، it will give complete religious freedom to Sunnis. To reach these perspectives، the group uses two strategies in carrying out suicide bombing attacks including attacking the government''s representatives and agents also Shiite minority; and threatening، terrifying and persuading them to leave the region. As the last point، in order to control this crisis، armed confrontation cannot be solely adequate and modifying cultural and ethnic policies are necessitated in the region. This encourages negotiation to substitute bombing words with peaceful dialogues.

The present paper, takes country as a unit of analysis, and relies on the Boolean algebra to answer the following question: what combinations of indicators of relative deprivation lead to generate political violence? The relative deprivation theoretical approach, on the basis of certain arguments, predicts that political violence is more likely to occur in countries that suffer from both diachronic and synchronic deprivations. This paper is an attempt to empirically test the above hypothesis based on the theories of relative deprivation with regard to the Middle Eastern Muslim countries in a period of twenty years. The paper employs the Boolean analysis technique. The results of Boolean analysis show that during the period under study, two different causal patterns of deprivation have led to political violence in the Middle Eastern Muslim countries. The first is the combination of strong ethnic-group discrimination and low economic inequality; and the second is the combination of strong ethnic-group discrimination and rapid development. On the other hand, theoretical achievements based on the Boolean minimization show that among the countries under study, the occurrence of political violence is not related to economic inequality. Group discrimination is also a necessary cause for political violence, that is, all the countries experiencing political violence have had group discrimination.

Empirical research of Political violence and its relations with the political, economic, social and cultural variables is one of the important topics in comparative political sociology. This research utitizes modernization approach with a comparative method to examine the correlation between modernization and political violence among Muslim Countries Using the secondary data of quality of life index (QOL) as an indicator of modernization, and secondary data of political violence, the results of canonical analysis show the correlation between two sets of variables: First, there is a correlation between modernization and political violence, second, there is a high degree of correlation among cultural and economical variables from the set of quality of life (QOL) data with interwar variable from the set of political violence data.