جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « رفتار انتخاباتی » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

The ethnic electoral behavior researches in Iran have been mainly carried out in places with different ethnicities. Taking a different perspective, this research was conducted in Yasouj which includes a dominant ethnicity and tried to investigate the tribal preference in election behavior and its relationship with tribal identity and traditionalism. The statistical population of the study includes all the citizens who took part in the 11th parliament elections, among of which 406 people were selected using a multi-stage random sampling method. The research instrument for measuring the variables of traditionalism and tribal identity are two researcher-made questionnaires, which their validity and reliability were determined using the construct validity, and the Cronbach's alpha coefficient, respectively. In order to assess the tribal preference of the respondents, the adaptation of the answers of the participants to their chosen tribe and candidate was used. So, they were divided into two groups with tribal preference and without tribal preference regarding the parliament election. The descriptive findings of the research showed that, 38.6% of participant voted based on the tribal affiliations. On the other hand, the analytical findings using logistic regression analysis revealed that traditionalism and gender increase the probability of tribal preference in electoral behavior, but academic education decreases the tribal preferences regarding the voting behavior. Moreover, the variables of tribal identity, age, marital status, and employment status do not show any statistically significant relationship with the tribal preference in the electoral behavior.

Presidential and Islamic Consultative Assembly elections in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province have been associated with high voter turnout in different periods. In fact, this province has always been one of the provinces with the highest turnout in both elections. In this study, the voters’ electoral behaviours in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province in the two Presidential and Islamic Consultative Assembly elections were investigated and compared with each other. To this end, the most important factors affecting their electoral behaviours in the two presidential and parliamentary elections were studied. By comparing the voters’ electoral behaviours in these two types of elections, it was sought to examine the impacts of varied factors on the presidential and parliamentary elections. This research was done since some research had tended to assume the voters’ equal electoral behaviours in the two mentioned elections by adopting a reductionist view and had consequently considered that similar factors could affect the voters’ electoral behaviours in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province in all elections.

The present survey was performed quantitatively with a descriptive-analytical purpose. The statistical population of the study included the citizens of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province, from among whom a sample of 368 subjects was selected through the cluster sampling method. The data were collected by using a combined questionnaire (researcher-made questionnaire and those made by others). In other words, two questionnaires were utilized in this investigation, one related to the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections and another one related to the presidential elections. The items were almost the same for the titles of the relevant elections in both questionnaires. The independent variables consisted of thought leaders, religiosity, political propaganda, political orientation, economic factors, sociological factors, and tribal relations, as well as contextual variables. The validity and reliability of the questionnaires were evaluated and confirmed based on the formal validation method and Cronbach's alpha test, respectively.

The findings revealed that the voters’ average electoral behaviours in the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections were higher than those related to the presidential elections. In explaining both types of electoral behaviours, the data showed that the variables of religiosity, political orientation, political propaganda, thought leaders, socio-economic factors, and sociological factors had a positive and significant relationship with the voters’ participations in both elections. The results also indicated that the extents to which each of these variables affected their electoral behaviours in the two elections were different, i.e., the independent variables did not equally accounted for the voters’ electoral behaviours in the mentioned elections. The results demonstrated that the variables of tribal relations, religiosity, and social factors had the greatest impacts on the electoral behaviours in the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections; on the other hand, the variables of thought leader, education, propaganda, and political orientation turned out to be the most influential factors in the presidential elections. Inconsistent with the research findings in other provinces, this study showed that people of all ages and genders participated in parliamentary elections. In more modern societies, the degrees of men and women’s participations are somewhat different. However, in this province, due to the entanglement of the phenomenon of the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections with many aspects of life and especially the issue of power, there was little or no difference between an old woman and a young man in terms of participation rate. However, in national events like presidential election, age and age group tended to affect the voters’ electoral behaviours. The research findings enabled us to argue that the voters’ electoral behaviours could be determined by the context, in which the research was conducted. In other words, while the variables influencing on the voters’ local electoral behaviours were all relatively traditional, the factors affecting their national electoral behaviours were of a more modern nature. To put this into perspective, due to the traditional context of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province, a great deal of value was attached to local elections in the transition towards modernity and a set of more traditional variables tended to affect the voters’ electoral behaviours.In fact, the Islamic Consultative Assembly elections in the province were not just a political phenomenon independent of the context of life; it was rather one of the main components of everyday life serving as a major topic of public and private debates. In recent years, due to the dominant roles of the members of the parliament in the authoritative distribution of goods and services (politics) and the ordinary people and influential groups’ ties of interests with the parliament members, social variables, such as clan and tribal relations, tribal and traditional gaps, and consequently thought leaders’ positions, played a more prominent role in social mobilization and electoral participation, which ultimately shaped the voters’ behaviours.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the sociological behavior of citizens of Mazandaran province in the presidential election. The research was conducted through descriptive-analytical cross-sectional study using researcher-made questionnaire. The statistical population of this study was men and women of 18 years and older living in Mazandaran province. The sample size was 384 calculated based on Cochran's formula. Result of study indicated a significant difference between occupational and Educational categories in terms of electoral behavior. Based on the outcomes of linear regression, national identity, social networks, media, value preferences and spiritual identification had the most significant impact on electoral behavior, respectively.

Consider a voter who is willing to vote for one candidate among the other two or more nominees. In this sense, the important question that might be raised by researchers is that what is the rationale behind the voters’ decision and which candidate is their possible choice. For the sake of understanding the basic tenet of citizens’ voting behavior in Isfahan, three main voting models have been evaluated including Columbia School, Michigan Model. According to the present findings, the dominant pattern of citizens’ voting behavior in the fifth Election of City Councils of Isfahan was confirmed based on Michigan Model in which the IPP index (The Index of Political Predisposition i.e. social class and urban area of residence) influences voting behavior through an important variable called “Party-factional identity.” The present sociological study aimed to investigate the citizens’ voting behavior in Isfahan based on a causal-analytic approach. Moreover, the Boolean algebra technique is used in comparative analysis. As the results of Boolean analysis showed, it can be claimed that the citizens who mostly voted for reformists were the residents of the most developed urban areas of Isfahan including 5,1,3,13,6,4, and 8 that have the highest levels of education, income and cultural infrastructure.

The main objective of this research is the sociological study of the impact of social influences on electoral behavior in Iran's presidential election among citizens living in Mazandaran province. This research is descriptive-analytic and survey is carried out using a researcher-made questionnaire. Using Cochran's formula, 384 individuals were selected as sample size and then statistical sampling was done in a multi-stage sampling method. The theoretical framework of research based on the level of sociological theories has been categorized in three theoretical and operational levels (micro, macro, and median). Field surveys show that women and men, singles and married people differ in terms of electoral behavior, and in terms of location differences There is no difference in living in a city or village and its impact on electoral action. In terms of belonging to job groups and respondents' educational level, there is a significant difference in the type of behavior and participation rate in the elections. Age and income have a reverse and significant relationship with the behavior of the participants in the survey, and the variables of value preferences, media, Social networks, social institutions, social trust, social order, national and religious identity also show a meaningful relationship with electoral behavior.

 Electoral behavior is time-based, place-based, and context-based. In the way that voters' behavior varies from one constituency to another and from one election to another. In recent years, the participation of voters in provinces with social tribalism context were high in the Islamic Consultative Assembly election, with the Boyer Ahmad constituency being among the constituencies where voters have a high degree of participation. Many scholars associated this area with the social context and the hegemony of the tribal sub-discourse. In the present research, the question is whether this sub-discourse has lost its hegemony and has fallen into disrepair or still remains strong?   To answer this question, the theoretical system approach has been utilized, the theory of electoral behavior and Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis have been mixed and the focus group method has been used. Different social groups were used in Yasuj and the villages around the city, and thus the discursive articulation of the subjectivity of social subjects was identified and their electoral behaviors were estimated. The study groups included housewives, students, employees, non-employed people, deans and village elders, taxi drivers, workers and farmers. This interview was held in early March, 2016. Housewives make up 62 percent of Yasuj women and its surrounding villages, so their views are important. Workers are also an important part of the community who have simple but noteworthy ideas. Employees as examples of educated people play an important role in shaping the mentality of people and their family members; in addition, the dominant atmosphere of government departments is very effective in shaping the mentality of employees.Non-employed people in the current population form a large population whose participation or lack of participation in the election is influenced by various factors. In the other side, students play an important role in the manner of selecting candidates due to the access to resources such as the Internet, the books, the journals, the discursive space in the university;and they have an undeniable role in the awareness and attitudes of their family members.Deans and elders are also among those people who affect their neighborhood people and are trusted among people. Taxi drivers are also accompanied and in touch with different people. Therefore, some of the social groups selected in the present study form important groups of society, which was a good choice for the present study.Therefore, during this research, a focused and detailed group interview was conducted on these important social groups. Based on the results of previous studies, the tribal sub-discourse wasthe dominant discourse shaping the behavior of voters in the electoral constituency with a tribal structure, including Boyer Ahmad. The social stakeholders in these provinces resort to a variety of ways to reproduce their power and seize hegemony; so, election is an opportunity for them to reproduce their power. The influential social groups are trying to consolidate their discourse by encouraging the elements of tribalism and fostering tribal prejudices and stimulating people's sentiments.But fixing signs in a discourse is never permanent and is still changing.Using the analysis of the centralized group interviews conducted in this paper, we have come to the conclusion that the tribal and dominant sub-discourse in Yasuj has been deconstructed, and the discourse of personal and national interests is becoming the dominant discourse. In other words, the discourse of the tribes lost its credibility, and the discourse of individual and national interests dominated the subjectivity of social subjects. With regards to the interviews, changes in the electoral behavior of subjects became tangible. If relativism played a major role in Beyer Ahmadi's electoral behavior in the past; now, personal interests, especially economic and national interests, have become the central platform for the discourse of the social groups in this constituency.Even those who consider tribalism in the election said that they did do so to reach their personal interests and needs of themselves and their family. In fact, the economic factor and individual interests have become very important in people's voting. In the group discussions that took place, it was found that subjects in the election choose the right candidateby calculating rationally and evaluating the profits and losses, and this is where the importance of individual and economic interests becomes apparent to other components. Therefore, the research shows that in the Boyer Ahmad constituency there has been a discrepancy in the tribal sub-discourse.  Moreover, although the social structures have not undergone a fundamental change, the central elements have been flawed.Participants in the group discussions focused on their electoral behavior tended to adopt a kind of individualist discourse that is in the interests of individual and national, and the discourse of tribal and tribal affiliations has been rejected and marginalized in their mentality.

Elections could be boosted or undermined under various factors, one of which is mass media in general, and IRIB in particular. The present article aims to study the role of IRIB in the electoral behavior of Isfahan citizens. A survey was conducted through a researcher-made questionnaire with a quota sampling of 384 individuals aging above 18 residing in 14 main districts of the city in the first half of the year 1391 (Iranian calendar). The findings indicate that IRIB has influenced the level of participation in elections. Furthermore, there is no significant relationship between intra-organizational factors and people’s electoral behavior, however, there is a positive and direct relationship between independent variables such as religiosity, education, extra-organizational factors, age on the one hand, and electoral behavior on the other. There was an inverse relationship between social-economic status of people and electoral behaviors. The level of women participation was more than men’s.

One area of human activity that requires decision-making and selection is political participation. This is a voluntary activity through which members of a community participate in the affairs of their neighborhoods, towns and villages and directly and indirectly contribute to shaping their social and political life. Voting is the most effective and most practical means for citizens to give and apply their opinions and ideas in the management of public and social affairs. Among all elections held in Iran, the presidential election of 2009, though was held according to previous elections, the electoral behavior of people brought many problems. In this period, some of the people came to streets to protest election results and protests turned into violent acts, causing confrontations among the main political figures, scholars, academics, and many state agencies. Thus, the main question of this research is that why in the similar presidential election of 1997, the electoral behavior was non- violent but in 2009 it became violent. (Similarity of the two elections was in this respect that in both 1997and 2009, elections were held in a competitive spirit and the main competition revolved around two candidates). The research method is a causal - comparative survey in which two presidential elections in 1997 and 2009 are compared. Research population includes Shiraz administrative elites who have been employed for a period of at least 20 years and have experienced at least one period of managerial position at various levels of the organization in which they have been working. Because of the lack of formal data on the population, using exploratory study, the population was estimated to be around 250 individuals, of whom 149 cases were selected to enter our sample size, using Krejcie and Morgan’s sampling table and random multi-stage sampling method. The measurement tool is a researcher-made questionnaire using 5-point likert scale, including 30 items in the frame of three dimensions including economic (10 items), political completion (10 items) and foreign intervention (10 items). Validity of the scale was measured using content validity and the reliability was measured using Cronbach's Alpha coefficient. Discussion of Results and In total, 482 respondents including 128 (85.3%) males and 21 (14%) females answered our questionnaire. In this study, the age of respondents was between 40 to 60 years old and their average was 45.5 years. Educational level of the respondents was as follows: 17 (11.3%) diploma, 24 (16%) above diploma, 80 (53.3%) bachelor, and 25 (16.7%) master degree and 3 (2%) PhD. Based on descriptive results of the study, the mean score for the importance of economic factors is 30.5 for 1997 election and 39.6 for 2009 election. The mean score for the importance of political competition is 32.4 for 1997 election and 36.5 for 2009 election. And finally the mean score for foreign intervention is 28.9 for 1997 election, and 37.8 for 2009 election. For investigation of the mean difference between two elections, independent samples t test was used: the mean of importance of economic factors in 2009 election is more than 1997 election and this difference is statistically significant. The mean of importance of political competition in 2009 election is more than 1997 election and this difference is statistically significant. Finally, the mean of foreign intervention in 2009 election is more than 1997 election and this difference is statistically significant.The findings of this research shows that, there is a significant difference between economic factors, political competition and foreign intervention in the 1997 and 2009 presidential elections in Iran. Based on the findings, the importance of political competition has been significantly more in 2009 election than in 1997 election. This finding is theoretically consistent with research results of Nie & Gold (2010) and also may be explained by rational choice theory. The findings also showed that the importance of economic factors in 2009 election is more than 1997 election. These results is consistent with research findings of Zibakalam & Colleagues (2010), Kamal (2003), Atarzadeh and Tavassoli (2010) and League (2005). Finally, on the basis of research findings, foreign intervention has been significantly more in 2009 election in comparison with 1997 election. This research finding is justified according to the information and communication technology development in the past two decades, which has led to the increase of foreign intervention in the internal affairs of Iran.

Advertising in political acts and effect from social fabric and takes place to influence action on selection and voting (as alegitimate form of political behavior). This paper will examine the impact of advertising practices on the behavior of votersand campaign methods in ninth house campagin to identify the system of tribal and non-tribal provinces like traditionalcommunication methods including oral, written, electronic and ... ,Which conducted this survey. The theoretical frameworkthat used in this study is based on the ideas of Parsons. On the survey all professors are from communication sciences, socialsciences and political science on Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Branch of Tehran and Ilam Branch.Our findings indicate that, unlike in Tehran province, individual advertising of Ilam as a way to cope with is commercial,personal or coalition. Also, according to research findings, the views and attitudes about the use of traditional academicsfrom the view of Tehran and Ilam professors attitude fiat election, having the effect of an ethnic volunteer base on theadvertising, the more powerful role of opinion leaders' elders and the impact of ethnicity attention to individual interests andtends to be quick impact programs in the tribal system, and a coalition of political campaign advertising methods, accordingto the demands and interests of individual and the lack of attention to personal promise to provide free long-term plans andideas in the non-tribal political affiliation campaign there were no significant differences

The main question of this paper is about the electoral behavior of university students, as one of the main indicators of political development, and the role of social on this matter. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between social networks and electoral behavior among the students of the University of Isfahan. Method of collecting and analyzing the data is survey method. This study was conducted on 174 male and female university students To collect data, a questionnaire was used to validate the formal method, and its reliability was assessed using Cronbach's alpha and the data were analyzed using SPSS software under the Windows environment. The social network is divided into three dimensions, construction, interactive and functional, with regard to the three aspects of the electoral behavior of watching, medium and active it can be seen that the greatest impact of social network features and functional characteristics of the students had little impact on voting behavior.

Political participation can be considered as one of the indices in social and political development in different countries. Women، who are commonly included in a society، can have essential roles to control a community and its political، social and cultural developments as well. Therefore investigating women''s political behavior is especially important to political and dynamical stabilities. The objective of the present paper has been to study the relation between political culture and female students'' political deportments in Isfahan. The method used to collect and analyze data is geodesic. The research was done by participating 384 Isfahani female students. The results showed a significant relationship among political culture dimensions (such as cognitive biases; emotional and evaluation biases)، political behavior dimensions (voting and political activities during election) and non-election political activities (communicate with authorities، complaining and being a member in political groups).

The relation between religiosity and electoral behavior as the major research question in this study has been reported by some researchers with paradoxical results. For a more profound understanding of the relationship between the two variables, religiosity was analyzed at two levels: scale and type; electoral behavior was also investigated at two levels: voting tendency and voting participation. By reviewing theoretical and experimental literature, four hypotheses were proposed as fallows: the more religious the participants are, the more likely they are to participate in polling and vote for “The Fundamentalists” (Osulgarayan); the less religious they are, the less they are likely to participate in polling and more likely to vote for “The Reformists”. The study was conducted through a survey by distributing questionnaires among the participants. The sample, consisting of 376 participants, was selected from among the students at Tarbiat Modarres University. The findings indicate that the extent of religiosity has a significant effect on electoral behavior, that is, voting tendency and voting participation.

The quality of relation between religiosity and electoral behavior as the research main question derives observation of the paradoxical result of some researches about the relation of these two variables. For deeper understanding of the relation between these two variables, the scale of religiosity, and electoral behavior in two levels of voting attitude and voting participation were analyzed. According to the review of the theoretical and experimental literature, two hypotheses were proposed as fallows: increasing in the scale of the religiosity leads to higher voting participation and voting to Osulgarayan, and decreasing in the scale of religiosity leads to lower voting participation and voting to Eslahtalaban. The research method was survey with questionair and three observational questions. The statistical population of the current research was Tarbait Modares University students. Through nonprobability sampling, 376 students were purposefully selected as sample size. Some descriptive statistics and analytical techniques were used (mean, frequency distribution cross tables, T test, linear and logistic regression). According to the findings, the scale of religiosity has a significant effect on electoral behavior (voting attitude and voting participation), such that increasing in the scale of religiosity leads to voting toosulgarayan and increasing in the voting participation, while decreasing in the scale of religiosity leads to voting to Eslahtalaban and decreasing in the voting participation.

Election, i.e. political participation, is one of the symbols shared by most of the democratic countries, including the Islamic Republic of Iran. To explain citizens’ participation, their voting preferences and the quality of their decisions in selecting and casting vote, three theoretical patterns can be referred to as follows: political sociological approach (functionalist, exchange and political assessment), political economics approach (wise selection and reformed wise selection) and political psychological approach (Chicago School, knowledge-based and Engel Hart).The present article analyzes these three strands of theories and answers the question that which one of these patterns explains the electoral behavior of citizens in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The article stresses that the electoral behavior is a time-, field- and place-based phenomenon; therefore, we cannot reach a universal theory to explain the reason, manner and content of citizens’ vote casting across the world, even the constituencies within a single geographical unit. In other words, the principles affecting citizens’ behavior in the Islamic Republic of Iran should be looked for in people political culture, their previous experiences and conducts, individuals past interactions with the candidates and social discourses and networks to which voters belong.