جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Institutionalism » در نشریات گروه « علوم اجتماعی »

Iranian sentiments and the development and backwardness are the focus of the upcoming article. According to the general belief and what is generally believed and shown, especially in scientific products, the Iranian sentiments as an independent variable has negative characteristics that are always a roadblock in the path of various types of development, and this has gone so far that it is recognized as an assumption. This is the fact that many assumption breaking elements can be presented. On this basis, the basic question of this research is that what the position between "Iranian sentiments" in the issue of "Development" is? To answer this question; we used a three-level model. The first level deals with the effects of sentiments on development. The second level uses 10 assumption-breaking items to pose  question about Iranian sentiments as an independent variable, and the third level advances institutionalism as a level of integration, where Iranian sentiments are classified into the dependent variable of development. In the end, this article concludes that Iranian sentiments do not have an essential influence on the process of development, but there is a kind of connection between them that is influenced by the institutions, and this connection changes with the institutional changes.

The present article, focusing on one of the most important areas of production and reproduction of inequality and inferiority, namely labor relations, seeks to examine the conflict and rivalry of intellectual and social currents. The study of these currents from the perspective of their analysis and prescriptions on recent trends and processes of labor relations in Iran, i.e. the temporalization of labor, requires drawing the ratio of government, society, and market from the perspective of those currents. After drawing the most important features and coordinates these intellectual currents, based on the concept of development, the gaps are expressed. Despite the obvious differences and confrontations between these currents on the issue of labor and employment relations, both lack a developmental perspective and therefore are weak or lacking in both the role of government in development and the importance of the human factor for development. As a result, they either reject the government or the market.

Shah Abbas of Safavid dynasty, with a powerful government as the result of the sharing of slaves in power, and giving them military posts; suppressed the force and elements of violence, and gradually strengthened security throughout his realm; roads were fairly safe , theft , killing and robbery was reduced and Trade and transport prospered. Accordingly, some historians describe Abbaschr('39')s era as golden age and the economic flowering of the Safavid period. this conception is directed towards the institutional changes of shah abbas in the political and Social sphere which led to political centrality, road security, construction of Caravanserais and markets, the creation of cities and the establishment of trade relations with foreign countries. although these measures were favourable to the development of trade, and as a result of the reforms, great development occurred in business and The trade boom followed in the short - term but, however, was the kind of economic reform that led to the long - term accumulation of capital and stable economic growth. this is due to institutional barriers which North are divided into formal and informal constraints. this study examines the institutional changes and business conditions and the position of merchants in Shah Abbas I first regarding the theory of Douglas North and tries to examine the economic situation in Iran in the age of Shah Abbas with the theory of New Institutionalism and based on the theory of Adaptition with Linda Hutcheon.

The purpose of this study was to obtain a theoretical model to explain the effect of key institutional variables and causal conditions, social structures and transformation processes affecting the economic development of East Azerbaijan province using the logic of the data foundation method. For this purpose, information about the method of data foundation theory was collected through in-depth interviews with the participation of 12 experts who were selected as snowballs. The results of the data foundation theory showed that, factors such as lack of development motivation, lack of trust, government intervention, redundant bureaucracy, corruption, lack of transparency, lack of support from international institutions, lack of observation, government conflict and sovereignty are institutional barriers of development in cities of East Azerbaijan province.

This paper studies the situation of the developmental state in Iran and its role in promoting economic development. The main question of the present study is why in the post-revolutionary Iran, the "developmental state" did not function efficiently and could not successfully promote the economic development of the country. To answer the research question, Adrian Leftwichchr('39')s theory of developmental state was used as the conceptual framework of the present study. Douglass C. North et al.’s theory of social orders was also applied. The present study is based on historical research method and narrative analysis technique. In the present study, the "national government" is the unit of analysis. Domestic, regional and international events and conditions are selected as the context of economic development in relation to the national state and are analyzed on a time-lapse basis. According to the findings, the structural and institutional weaknesses of the state along with regional and international developments have led the country to internal and external tensions. Thus, despite the effectiveness of the state in Hashemi Rafsanjani and early Khatami period, the country enters internal and external tensions and eventually the “security” discourse replaces the “development” discourse. Under such circumstances, the countrychr('39')s priorities and institutional arrangements would no longer be “developmentally-driven”, and the process of economic development of the country would be interrupted and even set back.

In this article, we want the analysis foreign policy Islamic Republic of Iran in the perspective institutionalism. The main question of this research is that which institutions are a basic role in the oriented foreign policy and what did happen Iran failed at the end of foreign policy? For answer the question we articulated institution foreign policy of Iran to four particular: bureaucratic, democratic, theocratic and military institution. Every one of this institution has one philosophic, doctrine and policy in the foreign policy of Iran. In the perspective of the institution, all epistemology must be regulated in one end and all doctrine and policy must be in one oriented. But in Iran, all the aspect of the bureaucratic, democratic, theocratic and military institution have separate oriented and this function resulted from parallel policymaking. In the act policy always we see integrate and coalition theocratic with military aspect and bureaucratic with democratic. The episteme of theocratic aspect is religious and ideological Shia and the military aspect want to reach stability and national security. The Iran of democratic always related to demand of citizen and always originated from president and parliament institution. The bureaucratic aspect related to administrative and organization in the political three branches and staff that employed in this structure. They demand conservatism and authority our organization. This article analysis all the thinker, concept, achievement and pathology four aspects of institution and narrative that for reach to national interest government must respect to rule institutionalism in foreign policy

For years researchers have associated the developmental problems of countries possessing natural resources like oil with the very fact of the possession of such resources. The numerous studies of this field have mostly focused on the theories of the Rentier State and the Resource Curse. Today, with the advent of empirical research and theoretical criticism, there is little doubt with regards to the shortcomings of the classic theories of the field. The latest research has also attempted to mitigate the extremes of the classic theories of rentierism which usually cover a limited scope of the suggested outcomes of rentierism, and such theories have not formed a comprehensive and elaborate theory, nor have they presented an appropriate ideal type of the rentier state for historical investigations. The present paper presents a critical survey of the literature on rentierism, focusing on one main question: how can this theory be improved? With respect to this question, at first, rentierism literature will be reviewed, then the institutionalist theory of Douglass North shall be introduced. By recognizing the advantages and disadvantages of both theories, the present paper goes on to formulate new conceptual framework named the "Rentier Limited Access Order". Not only is this framework rooted in both theories, but it also goes beyond them and delivers new insights with which rentier states can be studied.

From the point of view of political sociology, parties are one of the most important and effective social forces in political processes, so that the political space of modern societies cannot be imagined without parties. On the other hand, the role of parties in the process of political development and the deepening of democracy is emphasized. In this study, the attitudes of the sixth and seventh term Majlis - as one of the most important pillars of the political system - to the role of divisiveness in political development, and the impact of this attitude on their political behavior, are examined. The findings of the study indicate a significant correlation between a positive attitude to the role of parties in political development and a tendency to party activity. In other words, a considerable part of the sixth and seventh members of parliament believe that parties and parties have a positive and effective role in the political development process, on the other hand, the positive attitude of the party on the influence of political development on the political behavior of the MPs. The positive and the representatives who believed in the positive role of the parties in the process of political development have also in practice been more inclined to party activity.

Since one of the main areas of understanding of social policy, and that of health policy, is the attention to how the government focuses on the economic, social, political, and cultural development of the country; therefore, it can be traced to its development through the evolution of countries. This research was carried out with the aim of investigating the changes in the health system of Iran during development and development programs before and after the 1979 revolution. The present study was conducted using a comparative method with qualitative content analysis technique based on data collection from valid sources related to the health system in Iran (including medicine, health, etc.) ,the text of development programs ,evaluations , andrelated reports. In this way, the success or failure of development and development programs before and after the Islamic Revolution was compared to achieve social policy objectives, including health policy, and the impact of previous programs on future policies and programs. The research data were extracted from first-hand sources, second-hand sources,  previous evaluation, and research reports, and they were analyzed using the basic concepts of institutionalization approach. In addition to analyzing the impact of developmental plans and development on the changes in the health system, and showing the trend of these changes, the differences and similarities between developmental plans and their impact on health system orientation were counted. The main difference in the planning of the two study periods is the orientation of the established governments; in the government of Pahlavi and modernization of the country happened based on the nation-state andlarge-scale decisions and policies, but in the government of the Islamic Republic, establishing social justice is the basis of large-scale policy making and the welfare of the people. It is also part of the realization of these goals. Another difference is that there was not a long history of programming in Pahlavi era and strategies for achieving goals, and development plans were often conducted with the guidance and involvement of European and American experts and planners. Moreover,hardware infrastructures, such as asphalt roads and railways, appropriate communication facilities, and software infrastructures, such as the level of education and desire to participate in the advancement of programs are very insignificant, and this impediment has been an obstacle to many of the development goals, especially in the field of health.. However, in the post-revolutionary period  due to the particular circumstances of the revolution, the thinking of the mid-term planning was abandoned (the sixth development plan was generally ignored), and attempts to approve the development plan had not survived until 1988, but development plans one after the other was developed internally by experts and, in some cases, by modeling afterother countries. Besides, the required hardware and software infrastructure was provided to a large extent, and implementation of health and medical programs was facilitated more easily.  the planning differences in the two pre and post-revolutionary phases is related to foreign relations and international conditions. In the second half of the year, with the exception of the short period after the nationalization of the oil industry, there was little international pressure on Iran’s economy. After 1332 the American influence onIran’s politics and economy, and financial advisers hasalways been advocating for a dependence on the United States after implementing the policies of the White Revolution. After the 1357 revolution, consideringthe anti-capitalist ideology of the revolutionary architect from the very first days of opposition to the United States and other influential countries, such as the Soviet ::::::::::::::union:::::::::::::: and the United Kingdom beganas a result. After the revolution,the country has always been subject to international tensions and pressures. The imposition of eight years of war, the confiscation of the properties of the state and the Iranian people in the United States, the adoption of a variety of economic, scientific, and military sanctions, and ultimately, the boycott of Iranian oil purchases over the past decade have been examples of the measures that have always been an obstacle to the implementation of development and justice promotion programs. The most important similarity of development planning and social policy before and after the revolution is the dependence of the program resources on the proceeds from the sale of oil, which is the main component of the development and development costs of oil money, and ithas two major consequences for the health system: The formation of the rentier government, the reduction of government accountability to the public ,the creation of uncertainty in the provision of resources for development programs, and the failure to implement many social policies, including health policies. The other similarity of the administrative system before and after the revolution is thatthe scope of the government’s involvement in the administration of state affairs and recruitment has had its roots in both corruption and ineffective administration. Finally, as it is the case in many developing countries, the share of health financing has been very low, and the efforts made to transfer part of health care to the private sector have not been so successful; hence, allocating more funding to the health sector can help improve the health of the people. After seven decades of development planning in Iran, despite the advances and changesmade in the health sector, equity in health, especially in the treatment sector, has not yet been achieved, and inequalities in access to health servicesstill exists, and its cost is high and has increased over the past decade, partly due to rising health care costs and the other part because of lower income levels and an increase in the gap between income groups, which is not reflected in the objectives of development plans in other headings, especially the economic headline. Therefore, the success of the implementation of health policy and the realization of social justice depends on developingprograms based on data and rational and realistic estimates, moving towards mixed plans (guiding grammar), and implementing fundamental structural reforms in social and economic planning.

Since the formation of modern states, bureaucracies have become the main instruments of governments for achieving developmental goals. The existence of an efficient bureaucracy is considered necessary for realizing these goals.  However, in the literature of sociology, especially after the classics, the state bureaucracy has been neglected and it seems there is a kind of conceptual vacuum and confusion. This paper tries to give a critical discussion of the significant theories on the state bureaucracy and examine their reductionist attitudes, then give a clear formulation of this concept, and ultimately provide a conceptual model for its empirical study. Based on this model, the quality of the state bureaucracy in each country depends on its specific structural and institutional composition. The institutional context is the main determining factor of the quality of bureaucracy. Several variables, in the context of this institutional logic, are highlighted: the arrangement of power and the characteristics of political structure, the pattern of extraction of resources and the system of economic relations, the type of relationship between government and society, and ultimately the issue of the power and function/ agency of the elites. Each of these variables and their various dimensions is described regarding some empirical cases, and their implications for state bureaucracies are introduced.

A serious examination of water and crises related indicates that the past issues arising in water management are rooted in hasty decisions, reliance on non-expert advice and a flawed policy. Lake Urmia crisis is a grave issue which incited many national and international sensitivities and response. To address the crisis, the present study takes a grounded-theory approach and in-depth interview with West Azerbaijan Regional Water and Waste Water Co. Ltd. expert-officials. Purposive sampling helped achieve data saturation by interviewing 6 interviewees. Results concluded several possible causes contributing to the Lake Urmia crisis: absolute absence of land use planning, lending little or no importance to social and environmental impact assessment, legal loopholes on responsibility, commitment, and duties of water stakeholders, and absence of a transparent coordination and administrative procedures among different organizations involved. Lack of education for stakeholders including those in agriculture, lack of alternative cropping system, lack of sustainable livelihoods and subsidies on water are major grounds for crisis, with climate change and illicit practice of deepwater drilling of recent years having played also a role. The crisis has dire consequences for the region’s environment which includes but are not limited to severely shrinking plant and animal ecosystems and declining human habitats in present and the future. The study recommends strategies to prevent and alleviate the effects of crisis: introducing changes into cropping patterns, sealing illegal deepwater drilling wells, and a general policy on restricting public water use as reforms and interventions.

Collection of institutional inefficiencies and inconveniences are an obstacle to local governments in Iran, one of which is the ruling rentier structure of the country. This paper seeks to demonstrate that the construction of a rentier system in non-developed or developing countries dependent on oil revenues is continually modifying itself. It is crucial to realize the influence of history, beliefs and ideologies created over time on this matter. Consequently, even in the face of the decline in oil revenues and the movement towards the creation of democratic institutions and the significant presence of people at the polls, it can be observed that these institutions become a tool in which expand rentier structure. To understand this, new institutionalism literature is to be used.

The text explains six main intellectual frameworks in the development Economics based on Cohen's paradigm. Since the publication of Thomas Kuhn's Structure of Scientific Revolutions in 1962, researchers in the natural sciences and then social sciences, particularly economic researchers tried to apply paradigmatic analysis in a variety of disiplines including development. Hunt’s book is a good example of such works.
Modernization, structuralism, Neo-Marxism, Maoism, basic needs and Neoclassical Economics as competing paradigms have been discussed in this work. The author explains dependency theory, but does not recognize it as a paradigm. In this paper, the author’s definition of Paradigm, has been criticized. Another critique to the text is Incommensurability of paradigms that constitute the book's approach.
Economic Methodologists, which are viewed economics from the perspective of Cohen’s scientific revolution, they recognized Keynesian economics as true paradigm shift in economics and development economists recognized the shift from modernization to dependency theory as a true paradigm shift in development. Finally, institutionalist approach to economic development, neglected and has not been discussed in the text.

After implementing various development strategies in different countries, a problem raised that prevent continuity of process. The problem which is known as imbalanced development refers to differential in development level among regions and has been targeting to be reduced by policy makers. The Iranian economy has always faced this problem over the past decades, and this phenomenon has created major obstacles to development policies in Iran. But through a scientific explanation, successful policies would be expected. Since such explanation provides the way of managing the problem by clarifying the main elements. Besides, it should be noted that scientific explanation is based on a theory. Accordingly, this paper attempts to explain this phenomenon in the theoretical framework of institutionalism after presenting an image of the regional imbalance phenomenon in Iran. It concludes that institutional capacity (institutional thickness) is one of the key elements of the mentioned problem.

The study of different dimensions of the Islamic revolution and its civilization-making perspective, leads us to a different paradigm of its futurology. While institutionalists, who have based their argument on social ontology, define the establishment of the Islamic revolution as a time-restricted event leading to the transformation of power, and speak about its civilization perspective within a continuum of defective to local and Islamic modernity, evolutionists do this under three dimensions: chronological, extensive and semantic based on the divine ontology of the revolution. In regard to the semantic and content characteristics of the revolution, they focus on a two-dimensional view about heaven and earth connection. From the point of view of the chronological extent of the revolution, they define it as rooted in and consistent with the evolutionary trend of the Truth till the advent of the Savior, and as for its extensiveness, they picture it to exceed national boundaries, with the aim of confronting the World Arrogance and emancipating the Deprived. In view of the Islamic modernity, the cultural- civilizational futurology of the Islamic Republic of Iran, is shaped in accordance with the present generalities of the existing modernity paradigm and based on globalization theories with, of course, its own critical inclinations. But in the civilization image of the Islamic revolution, in line with evolutionist's view, the futurology is defined according to the truth-oriented paradigm and the ideals of Mahdaviat. Here, it emphasizes the status of truth in the world, and by crossing humanistic views of modernistic futurology, it centers upon the religious-oriented action of humanity with an explanatory- judicious approach.

The present study aims to investigate the influencing factors on altruistic behaviors while an emergency and crises position occur. Our basic problem was; what factors can intervene and play facilitator or inhibitor role in such situations? With this objective, we refer to theories that were directly or indirectly relate to this issue. Theories such as Urbanization, institutionalism, collective ignorance, revile responsibility, and behaviorism has established the theoretical framework of research and hypotheses have been extracted from above theories. Research method was survey, and used interview techniques with closed questions to collect data. The population of the study was all over 18 years citizens of Hamadan city in 2013. The sample size were 384 person that calculated using Cochran formula. Sampling mode, was combination of random and cluster sampling. Urban areas based on socio-economic norms divided into three categories, at first stage, based on cluster sampling, five categories were selected and then from each category respondents were selected randomly. Research findings and statistical tests showed that; there is significant relationship between institutionalism (-.042), Urbanization (-.072), collective ignorance (-0.37), revile responsibility (-.027), behaviorism (-.056) and altruism. In other words, institutionalism, urbanization, revile liability, collective ignorance and attachment to the principles of behaviorism reduced altruism attitudes among individuals.

This research is a comparative survey of harmonious development in South Asian countries. In this research, the role of four basic, top-level variables in the harmonious development of these countries is examined in four different social aspects. A fuzzy comparative analysis5 is used, and paths to follow and not to follow in the course of development are explored. Results of the study showed that the development process of these countries was affected by a mixed causal connection of the following four variables: economic freedom, weak government, cultural heterogeneity, and principled population. Based on the findings of the study, in the South Asian and comparable countries, economic freedom as a single factor does not lead to a harmonious development, and it requires certain circumstances alongside in order that the development will be harmonious. The findings indicate that a strong government and its measures operate as an independent variable with strong and efficient influences on the process of development. In case the government is weak and its performance inefficient, then other causal connections of the other three variables, i.e. cultural heterogeneity, economic freedom and, most particularly, a principled and orderly population, can bring about a harmonious development. Among the latter three variables, the role of a principled population is crucial and it is a necessary condition for attaining to a harmonious development.