جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « cultural policy » در نشریات گروه « علوم قرآن و حدیث »

The aim of the present research is to explore cultural policy in the issue of social harms by studying the performance of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance during Hassan Rouhani's government. To this end, the main question posed is how the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, under Hassan Rouhani's government, has operated with components such as culture, art, religion, and media to address prioritized social harms (addiction, virtual space and moral corruption, divorce, marginalization, and urban crisis areas). Through purposive sampling, data from 17 individuals holding positions in cultural and social fields were collected and analyzed through semi-structured interviews. Furthermore, using the data-driven theory approach, a proper model of cultural policy in addressing social harms was designed. In the present study, issues such as ethnic and religious contradictions, development of Quranic activities, cultural and indigenous capacities and capabilities, development of the family institution, substitution of revolutionary values for liberal and secular values, and the lack of understanding of the intellectual framework of the Imam and leadership in cultural officials were examined. The results showed that the cultural policy model by the experts should be aligned with strategies based on responding to the needs of the audience to not only help address social harms but also lead to an increase in social capital and trust, vitality, and social hope, improvement of good governance in cultural, artistic, and media fields, development of religious culture, and achieving an ethical and religious society.

Fethullah Gulen's tabligh flow is one of the cultural currents of thought around the world and has millions of Turkish Muslims. In his religious tabligh , Gulen promotes the version of social Islam through lectures, school networks, and public services through modern interpretations of Islam. This research seeks to outline the past, present and future status of this tabligh movement as well as the cultural policy-making of Qom seminary's interaction with the Gulen tabligh movement. The history of Gulenism owes much to the thoughts of Saeed Nursi with the concern of compensating for the ignorance and backwardness of the Islamic world. The campaign now has a generation of graduates from Gulen schools, the Bank of Asia, the media and the hospital and charity social network. In recent years, Gulen has been ousted by the Turkish government and living in the United States on charges of plotting a coup. Four drivers of change were identified to influence the future of this tabligh movement: strategic (internal) transformation and modernization, Islamism (national), strengthening the anti-imperialist movement (regional), and globalization (international). The consequences of each propellant up to the next three layers were investigated. The central signifier of Gulen's tabligh discourse is "social Islam" and its other elements, including the separation of religion from politics, the :union: between Islam and modernity, nationalism, Islamic brotherhood, the focus on educating the younger generation, school precedence over mosque, respect for individual rights, and critique of degeneration. The West, religious tolerance and Islam Rahmani were introduced. In the position of tabligh policy of seminaries, proposals such as the establishment of a think tank, strengthening seminary-tabligh relations, holding festivals, regional awards, conferences, exhibitions and the emergence of Islamic authority in the Turks of the world were presented.

The subject of pilgrimage, despite its great importance and place in religious and scholastic foundations, has received less scholarly attention from the perspective of policy-making knowledge. On the other hand, the use of futuristic methods in the pre-evaluation of public policies due to the pre-emptive approach to environmental factors has gradually attracted the attention of policy makers. Relying on a combination of hierarchical and Delphi analysis process and based on the Schwartz model, this research seeks to identify, prioritize, and ultimately design the most important future policy scenarios for pilgrimage in Mashhad in 1404. To do this, using expert documentation and open-ended questionnaires and interviews, the views of 15 experts were identified, and by analyzing the content, the list of models was extracted and based on Delphi method, 8 main models were identified by experts, and by implementing a multi-variable decision-making technique, the two models that were most important and uncertain were identified, and the scenario framework was designed based on that.

People in the Fatimid era (910-1172) paid serious attention to holding different religious and ethnic ceremonies since their arrival in Egypt (973). Among the ceremonies, the Shia rituals especially Ghadir Festival and Ashura Mourning Ceremony had been especially important due to the deep relationship with identity of Shia Fatimid Government and its claimed legitimacy against Abbasid. According to the reports of resources, Ghadir Festival was held annually in Fatimid Egypt. Competition with Abbasid formal Sunnism, strengthening the Fatimid Shia Identity and legitimacy of Islam'illian government as well as the efforts made to change the behavior of Egyptians as an introduction for changing their value and belief structure, were all the reasons to consider holding Ghadir Festival and its continuity to organize as important. This festival has not always been the same in terms of grandeur, magnificence and expansion during the mentioned two centuries, and it has undergone significant changes and developments many times in accordance with the cultural policy of the Fatimid government. What are the developments of this celebration and what are the characteristics of each stage are the main questions of this study that will be examined through an analytical descriptive method and with a historical approach. The findings of this study show that the ceremony was initially simple and extensive; but after the establishment of the Fatimid government in Egypt, it underwent great changes. As most researchers have reported this important and glorious celebration that took place over a decade as well as carnivals of joy with Shiite symbols. Organizing the great Moukeb of Imam-Caliph Fatemi during this period, while giving joy to the celebration of Ghadir, was very effective in spreading Shiite culture. In the last period of the Fatimid government, due to the cost of this Moukeb, the celebration of Ghadir was limited to the inside of the palace and was held in a simple and one-day manner

This article is aimed at identifying political barriers in the way of cultural policy making in Iran. For this research a mixed successive discovery method is employed. The research community includes 369 cultural policy experts and elites. Besides, semi-systematic interviews as the first phase and 7 dimensional questionnaires based on collected data through open and axial coding method alongside with 40 testimonies as the second phase played the role of data collection tools. Results indicate that while among all recognized barriers the lack of integrated management system scored the both higher average and higher rating average, the impact portion of such obstacle according to the linear model perspective tends to remain the least. Moreover, the political support factor represents a more serious obstacle to achieving cultural policy making in Islamic republic of Iran. Meanwhile, the community tendency to resistance can predict the cultural policy making achievements in Iran.

The infallible Imams have been selected religious leaders for the human society, who explained the message of the divine prophets and were guides for people. A large of part of their efforts has been devoted to the cultural development of their own era. After Imams passed the ups and downs of the aftermath of the death of Prophet Muhammad, and after Imam Reza accepted the role of the Crown Prince of Al-Ma’mun and Imam’s martyrdom until the absence of Imam Mahdi, the ninth, tenth, and eleventh imams played this important role. The present article purports to examine the cultural polices of these Imams in this period. This research has collected the necessary information based on documentary and library methods, and has analyzed it in accordance with the cyclic model of policymaking. According to this model, analyzing the cultural policies involves identifying the problem, designing and selecting the ploy, and finally evaluating that policy. The cultural issues of this era have been classified in three groups: the issues of caliphate, the issues of public culture, and the issues of Shiite culture. Then, the cultural policies of the Imams of this era have been analyzed. These policies have influenced the fundamental layers of culture (beliefs and values) as well as the behavioral layers.

The discourse of western cultural invasion has been the dominant discussion in the Islamic Republic of Iran’s policy-making in order to resist the effects of western invading culture first and plan for preserving and strengthening religious culture and Islamic values then. The aim of this paper is to review “the discourse of cultural invasion” based on the logic of “internal criticism”. This study demonstrates that due to some real and cognitive widespread changes in the last two decades and the emergence of universal ever-changing cultural trends, there has appeared some inconsistencies and disagreements in the discourse: disagreement on fighting ‘modern’ or ‘western’ issue, ‘normality’ or ‘abnormality’ of culture, the effect of ‘Japanese Myth’ on the mind of cultural policy-makers, negotiations on the ‘history of cultural invasion’, the problem of ‘the definition of culture’, the referents of ‘the invading culture’, transition from ‘cultural invasion’ to ‘soft war’, and the developments in the field of ‘policy-making’ are of major difficulties in the discourse of western cultural invasion, which must be re-theorized according to its initial aims and current changes.

There are two contact points envisaged between theory and method; one in the theorizing and the other one in the applying of that theory. For applying the theories, meaning understanding and solving social and cultural issues of societies (entitled cultural policy making), referring to theories of social sciences (as theoretical capacity) is undeniable. Translating and teaching these western theoriesin our country’s academic centers followed by applying them in the processes of problem recognition, decision making, and execution is one of the realities of our today’s society. But the issue in hand is that outside social sciences theories, are often presented for solving their own local problems and have much discrepancy (both cognitive and none cognitive) with our society’s cultural and social problems. So the method of facing these theories should be intelligent. This article explained three necessities of this intelligence including: “identifying the challenges of the present methodological schools”, “relying on theintrinsic cognitive foundations”, and “considering the local fields of cultural and social needs”. It also tries to reexamine the principles and foundations of MollaSadra’s thoughts and proposes some guidelines to utilize such theories in the realm of cultural policy making.