نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 42 (پاییز 1402)

The attention to politics and health based on transcendent wisdom, aimed at improving the country's healthcare system and medical education, holds a fundamental position. The possibility of integrating and linking religious teachings and modern medicine by the transcendent government for a comprehensive approach to health is essential. The present study investigates transcendent medicine's position in Islamic political philosophy. It demonstrates through a descriptive-analytical method that within the framework of political philosophy and with a deep understanding of Islamic thought foundations (Quran and Sunnah), a strong foundation can be laid for enhancing the existential dimensions of individuals and addressing the challenges of the healthcare system with the assistance of transcendent medicine. In the Islamic system, attention is expected to be paid to health and well-being from a transcendent and Islamic perspective. Therefore, focusing on politics and health based on transcendent wisdom for improving the healthcare system and medical education and integrating religious teachings and modern medicine by the transcendent government is essential for a holistic approach to health. Transcendent medicine, a dual-dimensional science consisting of material and spiritual dimensions composed of insights and values, can replace modern healthcare, which has a one-dimensional and positivist view of human beings. One of the characteristics of the Islamic philosophy of health and politics is that, outwardly, it encompasses behavioral and practical dimensions, and spiritually, it encompasses the transcendence in mental, spiritual, and emotional health, which plays a significant role in individual and governmental health. Therefore, the Islamic philosophy of health and politics encompasses physical, social, political, cultural, and other dimensions, indicating their inherent complementarity and interdependence. This necessitates politicians' active presence, foresight, and determination to focus on and fundamentally implement transcendent medicine in society.

Among various approaches and perspectives on humanity, the understanding of intellectuals and poets of this complex and multidimensional concept, including their viewpoints, can lead us to understand the concept of humans better. Poets can represent a concept in their poetry in the most sublime and delicate expressions. A precise understanding of a concept during the poet's time can be achieved through the reinterpretation of a poem. How political intellectuals represent man is an important issue that opens up a new angle and dimension of anthropological knowledge. In this research, based on a descriptive-analytical method, an attempt is made to answer how two renowned Iranian poets, namely Ahmad Shamloo from the contemporary period and Hafez from the classical era, portray human and political man. The results indicate that both poets have a unique view of the mythological human and strive to define and determine the position of humans in the cosmos. Hafez is searching for a complete human who is patient, enduring, and hopeful, while Shampoo is searching for a terrestrial human, a warrior who can build the world around himself, two different approaches that display different benefits in politics. The socio-political transformation in Hafez's era is minimal, while the effort for social change and transformation in Shamloo's era is maximal. The concept of identity is a prominent and significant element in the poetry of both poets, especially in Hafez's, which is highly important in social matters and its transformation. For Hafez, the duality of reason and love (heart) has always been a conflict, and he strives to create a clear image of the despondent human in an indifferent atmosphere. Shamloo elevates the view of the Iranian human and, with an overarching Iranian approach to the concept of human, presents a different level of interpretation of humanity for his contemporary society.

The aim of the present research is to examine the theories of Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali and Abū l-Walīd Muḥammad Ibn ʾAḥmad Ibn Rušd (Averroes), regarding governance philosophy. The research is based on the hypothesis that the similarities in the views of these two thinkers regarding the acceptance of authoritative government, the experience of turbulent times, and the differences in attitude towards people's political rights and the religious or customary formation of the political system. This study examined the areas and aspects of the relationship between government, politics, intellectual context, religion, politics, and people's political rights (the role of people in government) from these two philosophers' perspectives. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that both thinkers established their theory of governance based on the nature and disposition of humans. Al-Ghazali, considering the fourfold characteristics of humans, seeks to cultivate a divine human who engages in political action under the rule of divine governance. In contrast, despite the few political views of Ibn Rušd and his explanations based on the works of Plato and Aristotle, his thought is devoted to the establishment of a virtuous city based on virtuous actions; he defines politics as the administration of the souls of the citizens of the virtuous city to achieve their goals. The perspectives of the two philosophers on governance and politics have similarities in experiencing turbulent times, pessimism about human nature, belief in authoritative government, and differences in people's political rights, the formation of government based on customary needs (an introduction to secularism), and the relationship between religion and politics.

The main objective of the present research is to assess the capacity of Islamic political philosophy (precisely Farabi's political philosophy) to address the efficiency of government through a comparative analysis of its foundational principles. Nowadays, government efficiency is considered one of the significant concerns of intellectuals and societies. The general judgment criterion for a political system depends on the extent of governmental efficiency. This research is based on the hypothesis that political philosophy, especially Islamic political philosophy, beyond the mentioned sciences, has suitable capacities for discussing the foundations of governmental efficiency. Among these, Farabi's political philosophy, one of the significant approaches of Islamic political philosophy, has a unique capacity to engage in the discourse on efficiency. The main research question is: What are the fundamental capacities of Islamic political philosophy, especially Farabi's ideas and thoughts, in confronting the concept of governmental efficiency, especially in laying the groundwork for efficiency? Understanding government efficiency in Farabi's thought requires presenting a conceptual framework or network related to efficiency in this philosopher's thought. In this research, an attempt has been made to extract these concepts and codes from the essential works of Farabi using a descriptive-analytical method. Some of the most essential elements of this conceptual network include happiness, virtue, wisdom, prophecy, love, and justice.

Following the spread of renewal thought during the First Pahlavi era, and simultaneously with the changing political and social conditions of society and increasing awareness of the West, a new generation of intellectuals has emerged who, while having abundant access to and study of historical works, are familiar with deeper layers of Western culture and civilization. The present research aims to understand and elucidate the political thought of one of the most influential intellectuals of this period, Seyyed Fakhreddin Shadman, within the theoretical framework of Spragens' internal logic theory to answer the question of how Shadman has explained the crisis of political order and what ideal prescriptions he has proposed for its resolution. The research findings indicate that Shadman's fundamental issue is the cultural-political penetration of Western civilization. In his view, this issue stems from the existence and perpetuation of a colonial and missionary mentality. Therefore, he outlines the renewal and systematic restructuring of Iranian society based on preserving the complete national language (Persian) and embracing Western civilization with caution and inclination as the ideal order, and suggests national education strategies, acquisition of Western civilization prerequisites, lexicography, accurate translation, having the courage to recognize and not fear any thought or belief, and sending Iranian Persian scholars to Europe as solutions to overcome the crisis. These solutions indicate that Shadman links attention to the achievements of human civilization to self-confidence, preservation of authenticity and identity, and by emphasizing the necessity of actively engaging with the West in a scholarly and concerned manner, he underscores the importance of a correct understanding of progressive issues and designing compatible and culturally desired strategies.

The present research aims to examine the characteristics of a desirable legislation system from the perspective of Allameh Mohammad Taghi Ja'fari. The main question is what the purpose of this system is and ultimately, what executable guarantee it uses to ensure the fulfillment of everyone's interests and benefits. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that a sound legislation system, according to Allameh Ja'fari, requires lofty goals, clear awareness, and adequate enforcement guarantees. Regarding lofty goals, he believes that while establishing order and eliminating conflict is commendable, it is not sufficient. Rights should strive to fulfill larger objectives. Human excellence and the growth of human potential, along with efforts for unity in rights for all, are addressed in this section. In other words, firstly, a desirable legal system must endeavor to not only provide order and security but also to foster the capabilities of individuals. Secondly, not only should all aspects of individual life be under the administration of a unified legal mindset, but also there should be a single mindset governing the entire world to minimize conflicts. Concerning the characteristics that the legislator must possess, he first refers to his comprehensive knowledge of the characteristics and needs of his subjects. Then, he emphasizes his distance from personal, partisan, ethnic, etc., biases. Finally, when discussing enforcement guarantees, he believes that societal education aimed at promoting a culture of lawfulness on the one hand and sufficient attention to strengthening self-restraint within each individual, on the other hand, play a very influential role in the success of a legal system. Consequently, there will be less need for external enforcement guarantees.

The aim of the present study is to elucidate the constituent elements of political identity from the perspective of Nahj al-Balagha. Political identity is one of the most important components of forming a political system and distinguishing the political agency of "us" from "others." Philosophically, identity does not inherently exist but is constructed as the basis for action and behavior. However, politically, identity distinguishes "us" from "others." Political identity involves answering two critical questions: Who am I? and Who am I not? The answers to these questions lead to the differentiation between our identities. With the passing of the Prophet (PBUH) and the beginning of the era of the three caliphs, the foundations of divine political identity were marginalized. However, with the advent of the rule of Imam Ali (AS), through his struggles, the foundations of divine political identity were once again incorporated into his political and governmental framework. Therefore, the study of divine political identity necessitates understanding its constituent elements from the perspective of Nahj al-Balagha. This research, focusing on the importance of political identity, seeks to answer the question: What are the constituent elements of political identity from the perspective of Nahj al-Balagha? The research method is descriptive-analytical, analyzing the content of Nahj al-Balagha's themes. The results indicate that selflessness, duty orientation, opposition to oppression, people's participation, and justice are the main elements considered by Nahj al-Balagha. The implications of employing these elements in the Alawi political system include emphasizing the derivation of power from the eternal divine source, the inseparability of rights and duties in the political system, confronting any form of oppression, relying on the votes and opinions of the people, and implementing complete justice at its highest levels. Therefore, the rulers of the Islamic community must, in line with preserving the Islamic identity of society, emphasize these elements and earnestly endeavor to raise awareness and expand them throughout society so that society becomes increasingly closer to the desired ideals and Islamic values. This path will be accessible through proper political inclusiveness and a step-by-step process, with the design of a clear and precise framework by committed elites and experts.

One of the most significant dangers facing any government is its potential reversibility from its goals, values, and fundamental principles. Since the system of Guardianship of the Jurist is based on the jurist's authority, this research examines the capacities of this institution to confront the challenge of reversibility proactively. Using a descriptive-analytical method, this study addresses the capacities of the Guardianship of the Jurist from two perspectives: the characteristics and attributes of the jurist and the duties and powers of the jurist. In the first part, it is established that the jurist's authority, an extension of divine authority and the infallible, ensures the highest level of compliance with the laws, as they are considered divine obligations. Consequently, violations of laws and regulations, disobedience to government orders, or rebellion against the government will be minimized, thereby mitigating challenges that play a significant role in the reversibility of the Guardianship of the Jurist system. The legitimacy bestowed upon the institution of the Guardianship of the Jurist by divine authority leads to various capacities, including fostering acceptance and obedience within the Islamic society, the absence of which poses a fundamental challenge to the reversibility of any government. In the second part, it is demonstrated that the jurist's macro-level policymaking responsibility, oversight, and preservation of goals and values create the capacity to guide society towards prioritized objectives and the lofty goals of the Islamic system through sound Sharia-based policies. This redirection of societal approaches towards prioritized objectives helps focus society's attention on essential issues and prevents the challenge of reversibility from arising in this regard. Additionally, the oversight and preservation of goals and values can proactively prevent reversibility concerning the foundations, objectives, values, and, ultimately, the principle of the system.

The aim of the present research is to examine the political power of the Prophet of Islam (PBUH) during his mission in Mecca. The research is based on the hypothesis that the Prophet, from the early days of his mission until his last days in Mecca, was on the path of creating and consolidating a glorious power and authority to promote and institutionalize the religion of Islam and its moral virtues. The presentation of Islam and the placement of the condition of accepting the guardianship of the Prophet by non-Muslims, the use of tribal power on the path of Islam, employing influential individuals and powerful figures in the mission path, and attracting and utilizing the power of various factions such as Quraish and Adnanites indicate his unique view on power. This research examines the realistic view of the Prophet of Islam on power. The research issue is analyzed not from the perspective of the legitimacy of the Prophet's power but rather from the perspective of the Prophet as a human being and an ordinary human who had to produce the necessary power to achieve a sacred goal. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results show that firstly, the Prophet's view of power and its production was not pessimistic; secondly, power was a tool for the Prophet to achieve high and lofty goals, and in itself, power had no value for him; thirdly, the Prophet had his principles and foundations for achieving power, including never using unethical means to achieve power.

In Islamic political jurisprudence, rules have been designed to regulate relations and interactions between individuals or governments, which, in addition to organizing and stabilizing interactions, will lead to transparency in relations and, consequently, the effectiveness of interactions. One of these rules is taqiyya, which is widely used in domestic politics in interactions with opponents and minorities and in foreign policy in interactions of the Islamic government with foreigners, especially enemies. The main question of this research is the role of taqiyya in the foreign policy of the Islamic government. In this regard, its vital role was examined, emphasizing Ayatollah Khamenei's viewpoints on applying this rule in political jurisprudence and foreign policy. Also, using the jurisprudential method and relying on rational reasoning, after examining the conditions and various types of taqiyya, including fear-based, strategic, etc., its role in the political sphere, especially foreign policy, was investigated. The importance of the Islamic country's political relations with other countries requires taqiyya to be used as a main strategic principle to avoid potential dangers to countries or to continue friendship between governments and, generally, in the direction of the higher interests of the Islamic country. According to Ayatollah Khamenei, along with the principles of wisdom and expediency, this rule is considered one of the principles of the foreign policy of the Islamic country. In both domestic and foreign spheres, this rule creates legal prescriptions for preserving, attracting, and influencing the achievement of the goals of Islamic governance and Muslims and the resolution of their problems. Internationally, aligning governments and nations, preserving the unity of Muslims and the entities of the Islamic country, and undermining the enemy's plans and deceits are possible through taqiyya. In fact, the philosophy of using this rule in political jurisprudence is to lead the Islamic country and Muslims to their higher goals.

The present research, emphasizing Ayatollah Khamenei's perspective on nuclear weapons as a fatwa, and considering its superiority over legal obligations and ethical commitments, aimed to answer the question of "what position does the nuclear fatwa hold compared to analogous concepts such as legal obligations and ethical commitments?" The research method was descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that Ayatollah Khamenei's nuclear fatwa, like other fatwas, has been formed within the mechanisms and framework of jurisprudence. The nuclear fatwa is superior in motivating compliance, has greater coercive power, and provides better social assurance. This fatwa addresses social issues falling within the jurisdiction of the jurisprudent's authority. Therefore, compliance with and adherence to this fatwa is not only mandatory for his followers but also obligatory for non-followers. Considering Ayatollah Khamenei's policymaking role in the country and his command of all branches of power based on Article 110 of the Constitution, this fatwa regulates the defensive behaviors of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Accordingly, compliance with the nuclear fatwa is obligatory for all pillars of government and can be legally binding in the international system. Therefore, it can be said that the country's commitment to this fatwa, due to its unique characteristics, surpasses the obligations of nuclear treaty regimes.

The present research aims to answer the central question: What were the epistemological and ontological forms of political science in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, and what influence did this have on the structural priorities of the political system? The research hypothesis is that political science in Iran after the Islamic Revolution had a normative nature, which led to prioritizing certain concepts such as inspiration, the issuance of revolution, and the identification of Shiites and revolutionary groups in southwest Asia. The present study utilizes the normalization education theory and Iran's Islamic Revolution. The research method is analytical-descriptive, and the results indicate that the normalization of political science in Iran after the Islamic Revolution impacted political structures and changed priorities. Consequently, the effectiveness of this knowledge in the realm of action needed to have the necessary desirability and intensified the confusion of intellectuals and activists. The discourse formats of the Iranian Revolution reflected ideological norms and took shape based on manifestations of ideological norms. Normative and discursive formats based on the identity of resistance affected the regional security process. Iran's foreign policy norms have historical roots. They are devoted to signs of resistance, confrontation with threatening actors, and forces escaping centralization, which have yet to pay much attention to normative rules. Political science in Iran after the Islamic Revolution came under the influence of social and structural contexts. Since Iran has faced signs of constant crisis after the revolution, political science has gradually become crisis-ridden. The role of political science is essential in that many of its semantic and conceptual formats coincide with the historical and value concepts of the Islamic Republic. The linkage of revolutionary norms with political, economic, and social teachings is vital in that it could provide a platform for expanding knowledge to recognize and confront threats.

The aim of the present research is to explore cultural policy in the issue of social harms by studying the performance of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance during Hassan Rouhani's government. To this end, the main question posed is how the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, under Hassan Rouhani's government, has operated with components such as culture, art, religion, and media to address prioritized social harms (addiction, virtual space and moral corruption, divorce, marginalization, and urban crisis areas). Through purposive sampling, data from 17 individuals holding positions in cultural and social fields were collected and analyzed through semi-structured interviews. Furthermore, using the data-driven theory approach, a proper model of cultural policy in addressing social harms was designed. In the present study, issues such as ethnic and religious contradictions, development of Quranic activities, cultural and indigenous capacities and capabilities, development of the family institution, substitution of revolutionary values for liberal and secular values, and the lack of understanding of the intellectual framework of the Imam and leadership in cultural officials were examined. The results showed that the cultural policy model by the experts should be aligned with strategies based on responding to the needs of the audience to not only help address social harms but also lead to an increase in social capital and trust, vitality, and social hope, improvement of good governance in cultural, artistic, and media fields, development of religious culture, and achieving an ethical and religious society.

This research's fundamental issue is identifying ways to combat Islamophobia. In this regard, it has been demonstrated through a descriptive-analytical method that a category of works in the field of Islamophobia seeks to prove that the Islamophobia project is not just a delusion but has been instrumentalized by Western media, press, and governments, which have sought to construct a hypothetical enemy after the Cold War era. On the other hand, there are groups of Western and Islamic intellectuals who believe that the roots of Islamophobia should be sought in the intellectual foundations and frameworks of Muslims and the crises of the Islamic world, which have led to violent behavior by Muslims on a global scale and consequently, have fueled fear of Islam. In this regard, some Western thinkers attribute the roots of Islamophobia in the West to the intellectual foundations and frameworks of Muslims and continually warn Western citizens that the danger of Islamism is greater than fascism and communism. In the latter category of these views, various intellectuals and enlightened thinkers have expressed a negative view about the origin, nature, causes, and consequences of Islamic movements on a global scale. Therefore, it should be noted that given the dimensions of the issue of Islamophobia, it is necessary to find a way out of this situation by creating a common language between Muslims and the West, refining concepts in this area, and strengthening moderate groups.

The aim of the present research is to examine the criterion for severing political relations of the Islamic government from the perspective of legal verses. In this regard, using a descriptive-analytical method, the verses and traditions related to the obligation of severing relations with the belligerent disbelievers were analyzed. Subsequently, various examples in the ninth verse of Surah Al-Mumtahanah with phrases such as "ینهاکم الله" (Allah forbids you), "الذین قاتلوکم فی الدین" (those who fought against you because of religion), "واخرجوکم من دیارکم" (and expelled you from your homes), and "وظاهروا علی إخراجکم" (and supported the expulsion of you) were separately discussed in various subjects such as military, economic, cultural, social, political, scientific, etc., and it was pointed out that any government or authority that intentionally and knowingly commits even one act of hostility or war is subject to the ruling of severing relations with the Islamic government. It is also necessary to mention that the strength and survival of the ruling is subject-dependent; that is, if a belligerent disbeliever refrains from war with the Islamic government and changes their course, according to the ninth verse of
Al-Anfal, Muslims should also enter into peace and rely on God; even if their peace is tactical, it is better for Muslims to accept peace and stop fighting with them. From a jurisprudential perspective, the Islamic government is obligated to only sever its relations with belligerent disbeliever governments and strengthen and deepen interactions with other governments.

This research, based on the analysis of the epistemological system of the Quran and the interpretation of the Imams of the Revolution, seeks to position the Grand Jihad as a strategy in the foreign policy of the Islamic Government. The fundamental question is how Grand Jihad, as a strategy in the realm of foreign policy, indicates independence and the preservation of Islamic identity in the interactions and engagements with other societies, governments, and civilizations. In this regard, the relationship between two variables, Grand Jihad and success in foreign policy (preservation of independence and non-alienation of Islamic identity), is analyzed using a descriptive-analytical method. The research is based on the hypothesis that since Grand Jihad delineates the framework and red lines of flexibility and defines interests and benefits, as well as outlines dignity based on wisdom in foreign interactions, it prevents policymaking and diplomacy contrary to the identity and independence of the Islamic government – based on insight and values. The results of this research include outlining the strategies that give substance to Grand Jihad in foreign policy, including the necessity of preserving Islamic identity and governance, diplomacy based on dignity, wisdom, and interests, the necessity of negating the system of arrogant disbelief and fighting against oppression, the necessity of supporting oppressed nations and governments, and the necessity of countering the infiltration of the system of disbelief.