جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « فلسفه سیاسی اسلامی » در نشریات گروه « فلسفه و کلام »

Authoritarianism is one of the new methods of governing that differs from classical dictatorial regimes. Using a descriptive and analytical approach, this paper seeks to show the universality of classical Muslim philosophers' view about the way of classifying governments to examine the nature of authoritarianism in Islamic political philosophy. The grounds for the beginning of authoritarianism and the method and purpose of authoritarianism are the issues which this paper has studied by relying on classical sources of Islamic political philosophy. The hypothesis of this paper is that overpowering city, which is a type of ignorant city, applies to authoritarianism. Therefore, if one wants to expound the nature of authoritarianism in Islamic political philosophy, one has to read about “the overpowering city”.

In this essay, the authors have gone to show what capacities there are in Mulla Sadra's school of philosophy for the methodology of political philosophy, particularly the explanation method. In order to answer this question, the authors have first illustrated the aims and functions of political sciences through a philosophical-analytical method, and then studied the methodological capacities of Sadraian system of metaphysics in each of the functions of political sciences.     Some achievements of this research are as the following: 1- viewing a variety of its conceptual definitions, Mulla Sadra's transcendental philosophy has a good deal of capacity in the methodology of definition of abstract concepts of political philosophy. 2- Having embraced the rational interpretation i.e. suggesting abstract and intellectual meanings for political activities, one should come to propose an interpretation of the same activities as divine action, too. 3- Considering the principle of unity within multiplicity and vice versa in the plurality of causes, a researcher of political philosophy may not only explain the plural aspect of causes, but also their unity one. 4- Due to the rational approach in political philosophy, there is no room for prediction i.e. emperical futurology in that field of knowledge. 5- In the position of political activity assessment, a Muslim researcher is expected to consider the Islamic aims and genuine values in order to propose his assessment in the world of politics .

Based on their scientific and theoretical world view, Muslim philosophers believe that moderation dominates the entire universe. They think that heavenly bodies are already moderate but as for the earthly volitional existents especially human beings in their political lives, they are obliged to be moderate. They have always considered attaining this principle in their civil lives and political system as one of their goals. Given the distinctions between the said worlds, the questions are: how did they explain moderation that dominates the heavenly bodies and real beings? What is the role and status they give to volitional-legal beings and civil lives and political systems? How do they explain their nature and essence? It is claimed that Muslim philosophers regard moderation in volitional beings in their private lives and political systems as a cause for their stability and perfection - a thing that heavenly bodies already have. They believe that one can reach moderation through the domination of theosophy and sharia laws on one's personal and civil life. Making use of analytic- descriptive methodology, the writer explains the nature and status of moderation in creation whether heavenly or earthy. It concludes that moderation, being innate, contributes to the actualization of all human potentials and capacities including his intellect, theoretical and practical, bringing about thus stability and equilibrium among persons and their communities plus with their civil institutions.

The present paper which is the first of its kind investigtes Oliver Leaman's view of Islamic political philosophy. Leaman's main concern is to criticize the existing interpretations of and approaches to the study of Islamic political philosophy. He believes that Islamic political philosophy is influenced by neo-platonic and neo- Aristotelian school. Accordingly, he accepts the idea of applying the term "Islamic" to this kind of philosophy in the civilizational meaning, not in the content meaning. However, his view of criticism and affirmation is unsound. Regarding criticism, he does not have an accurate perception of the existing interpretations and approaches. With regard to affirmation, he does not have a proper understanding of the relationship between revelation and intellect or religion and philosophy.

The present paper is the first essay which investigates Charles E. Butterworth’s interpretation of Islamic political philosophy. Butterworth’s main concern is to understand and interpret Islamic political philosophy based on interpretive approach، according to which Islamic political philosophy has originality. However، Butterworth’s dual interpretation of Islamic political philosophy and particularly incomplete understanding of contemporary Islamic political philosophy caused him fails to withdraw himself from the historical approach، according to which Islamic political philosophy has no originality

This article, as the first of its type to be written on this subject, tries to scrutinize Walzer’s idea about the political philosophy of Islam. Walzer’s preoccupation is to find out the relation between the political philosophy of Islam and that of the Greek philosophers. According to him, all of the ideas in the former (which he calls “Arab political philosophy”) come from the Greeks. He even supposes lost Greek sources for ideas in the Islamic political philosophy which are not found in the works of the Greek philosophers. The author argues that such an approach to Islamic political philosophy stems from the inaccurate hypothesis that Islamic philosophy is not but a copy of Greek philosophy, and does not believe in the ability of Muslim scholars to produce any philosophy at all. This article takes such issues of Walzer as “Greek Source-seeking”, “not distinguishing between Islamic and Arabic philosophy”, “Aristotelianism, Platonism, and Neo-Platonism”, and “being influenced by Jewish and Christian teachings” to reflect on and criticize.

The present paper investigates Miriam Galston's interpretation of Farabi's political philosophy. Having made a contrastive study of Farabi's four main works (Madina Fazelah [Utopia], Siyasat Madaniyyah [Civil Politics], Tahsil al-Saadah [Realization of Happiness], and Fusool Montazaah [Abstracted chapters]), Galston tries to come up with a new conception of Farabi's political philosophy. The attention given to Aristotelian principles by Farabi's political philosophy is an interesting feature which characterizes Galston's interpretation. However, the in attention to the difference between Aristotelian philosophy and Platonic philosophy and the fact that Farabi's political philosophy is influenced by Islamic doctrines has not only led to Galston's failure to prove his claim but also to finally affirm the famous approach adopted by the interpreters of Islamic political philosophy who hold that Farabi's political philosophy is influenced by Platonic philosophy. The present paper elaborates on this point, using an analytical-documentary approach.

The present paper investigates Mohsin Mahdi's political thought and the importance of his role in the extension of Islamic political philosophy in the West. His interpretation of political Islamic thought is based on the relationship between "reason" and "revelation" and their transcendental role in "politics". Also, his attempt to recognize Farabi's political philosophy has given rise to a new interpretation of the tradition of western political philosophy. He not only attempted to revitalize the texts of political Islamic thought and extend their contents, but also trained a generation of professors and scholars who have founded Mahdi school in the scientific circles of the West and extended the approach he developed to interpreting political philosophy, political Islamic philosophy, and also western political philosophy.

One can view the political issues propounded in Ibn Sina’s works from different perspectives and, considering the methodological approach adopted, possibly arrive at various conclusions. The present paper discusses some of the political aspects of Ibn Sina’s philosophy from a specific point of view. The writer has tried to highlight his place in the history of Islamic political philosophy by mainly focusing on the issue of imagination. The plan of devising a “prophetic philosophy” with Farabi particularly began with writing his book Madina fadilah. Here, by expanding the functions of the imaginal faculty, Ibn Sina tried to explain the phenomenon of prophethood and its relationship with philosophy and politics. His philosophy must be studied within a framework which Farabi founded and, after Ibn Sina, Suhrawardi developed by devising the Illuminative philosophy. The role of Ibn Sina, as a philosopher who expanded Farabi’s thoughts and posed the two issues of “conjecture” and “imagining the souls of the spheres”, is quite noteworthy in this regard. In this way, he opened the window to a way which two centuries later led to the development of Illuminative Philosophy, one of the basic concepts of which is the world of imagination.