جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه "داعش" در نشریات گروه "جغرافیا"

The presence of a notable and conflicting connection between the Shiite-Sunni geopolitics within the Islamic world, as they vie for leadership of the Islamic world, and the geopolitical rivalries among regional nations and global powers in the Middle East, has had an impact on the patterns and aspects of regional security. This influence has been further compounded by the rise and expansion of religious fundamentalist groups, such as ISIS. This article initially elucidates the geopolitical origins behind the establishment of Salafi Islamic extremist factions, with a particular focus on the rise and existence of ISIS in the area. Subsequently, an analysis is conducted on the impact of the aforementioned phenomenon on the regional security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The primary focus of this study is to examine the geopolitical factors that contribute to the emergence of religious fundamentalist groups and assess their influence on the regional security of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The historical and identity backgrounds in state-building and incomplete modernization in influential geographical areas play a significant role in shaping the formation of religious fundamentalist groups. These findings are based on explanatory and analytical methods that investigate the cause-and-effect relationship between two independent and dependent variables in geopolitics. The geopolitical rivalry among regional entities and global powers is also a significant determinant. These groups have presented problems to the regional security of Iran by establishing their radical ideology in specific territories, affecting Iran's geopolitical, geostrategic, and geocultural spheres.

The activity of Takfiri-terrorist groups of ISIS in the territory of the eastern borders of the country is one of the most important events that has received serious attention in recent years. Therefore, ensuring the security of the eastern borders is a very important concern, which has faced many uncertainties in the future due to the activities of ISIS. The purpose of this research is to identify the future scenarios of the presence and activity of the Takfiri-terrorist group ISIS in the eastern borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Intuitive logic approach (8-step Petershwartz method) has been used for scenario writing. Data collection tools included systematic review of sources, interviews with experts, expert panel and Delphi, and observation of ISIS actions, and to analyze the data, the opinions of 18 security-law enforcement experts were analyzed qualitatively until theoretical saturation was reached. Checked.

The drivers and different states of the two key uncertainties include the possibility of cooperation of other takfiri groups in the region with ISIS and the state of coordination of border residents in dealing with Tadwin group, which in the best situation of ISIS is not able to directly attack the eastern borders of the country and the border residents are aligned with each other. And they are in front of ISIS, and in the worst situation, with the cooperation of other Takfiri groups, they penetrate into the country from the eastern borders, and some border residents join this terrorist group.

As an emerging phenomenon, ISIL was able to influence the region countries and the world in a short period of time, and as a very destructive actor, was able to occupy a large part of the territory of Iraq and Syria and to form a government based on the Islamic Caliphate. The actions of this Salafi-Takfiri group, while threatening the security and territorial integrity of Iraq and Syria, are a direct threat to the security of the Middle Eastern countries, especially the resistance axis countries in the region. Since Iran is one of the Middle East countries and the leader of the resistance axis in the region, the existence of ISIS in Syria and Iraq, in addition to the effects and consequences on the internal structure and security of these countries, is undoubtedly an objective threat to Iran's national security and territorial integrity. Therefore, Iran in alliance with the governments of Iraq and Syria, as well as with the effective help of Hezbollah in Lebanon and Russia, sought to strike and destroy ISIS.

Given the theoretical nature of this study, it employs a qualitative-descriptive-analytic approach. In qualitative research design, data from historical, descriptive and empirical research are used. The data needed in this study are collected through library references, documents, and various internet websites and resources.

Iraq was an occupied country that did not have an army to provide security, and more importantly, the process of power transfer in this country was slow, and with the intervention of regional and international actors, there was no consensus on government formation and the lack of security in a war-torn country provided a justification for the presence of foreign forces in a country (Cloud & Shanker, 2007: 26). Edward Snowden, a former US National Security Agency contractor, said: "The US, British and Israeli intelligence agencies were instrumental in the formation of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Syria (ISIS) group and in an operation called 'Bee's Nest' formed ISIS group.”(Khoramshad & ashna, 2018: 77). With the start of the Syrian crisis in the beginning of 2011 and the change in the nature of the protests from political and civil to terrorist and sectarian under the influence of media propaganda and psychological operations, several Salafi-Takfiri groups went to Syria to fight to Alawites. During the Syrian crisis, heavy and extensive psychological propaganda was carried out in order to induce the religious and sectarian nature of the Syrian war, and this propaganda and psychological operations caused a large number of Salafi of Sunnis to go to Syria to fight with the Alawites (Zarean, 2014: 27). The ISIS terrorist group was once present in Iraq and Syria and had occupied large parts of northern Syria and Iraq. This terrorist group is currently active in parts of Libya and Nigeria, Afghanistan and Southeast Asia. Many areas under ISIL control have now been liberated and possessed to the Iraqi and Syrian governments. The activities of the Takfiris do not endanger the borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran; But Iran's security should not be sought within its borders. The front line of the fight against ISIS and its supporters is not limited to the borders of Iran, and today Iran, as the most powerful country in the region, has expanded its strategic depth to the southern borders of Lebanon with the Zionist regime. ISIL's view of the Shiites, shows that this group is targeting Iran as the core of the Shiites and believes that their group should move toward the core. Considering that the presence and activity of the ISIS terrorist group in Iraq and Syria became a threat to Iran's national security; therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran seeks to eliminate security threats caused by the crisis in its two necessary and unnecessary security circles, namely Iraq and Syria, and by adopting a defensive approach, it takes steps to achieve its goals and interests, especially its security interests and resistance members. In fact, Iran has played the most important and effective role in destroying ISIS in Syria and Iraq. Undoubtedly; this role will intensify the hatred of the Americans and its regional allies, especially Saudi Arabia and the Zionist regime, towards Iran now and in the post-ISIS era, and consequently will design new strategies to confront Iran, which is the leader of the resistance axis in the region. The martyrdom of Sardar Soleimani and Abu Mahdi al-Mohandes, the deputy commander of the Iraqi Hashad al-Shaabi forces, and their companions on January 3, 2020, near Baghdad International Airport by US drones on Trump's direct orders can be analyzed in this regard. Meanwhile, in response to these attacks, the Islamic Republic of Iran also fired a missile at the Ain al-Assad base in Iraq's Anbar province and a base in Erbil, where US forces were stationed, on January 8, 2020.

With anti-Shiite slogans and actions, the ISIS terrorist group is practically in line with the goals and interests of the actors opposed to the resistance axis and at the head of it, is the Islamic Republic of Iran, which wants to weaken the axis of resistance and reduce the regional influence of Iran. ISIL can be considered a threat to Iran's territorial integrity, because ISIL is thinking of creating a caliphate, and the establishment of a caliphate requires the integration of the countries of the region into one country. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran, by adopting military and diplomatic measures, defeated the goals of this terrorist group and announced the end of the self-proclaimed government of ISIL. The costs and consequences of the actions of the ISIS terrorist group in Iraq and Syria, which have also been very heavy, have disrupted the development process of these countries and added to the increasing complexity of the political crisis in Syria and Iraq.

The opposite article tries to answer the main question based on scenario planning, which is one of the most important analytical methods of future research, what are the causes of the difference between ISIL and Jabhat al-Nusra and where will it go? In other words, how will the takfiri currents go? In other words, how will the takfiri currents go, and what popular tendencies will determine the status of these systems in the future? With the start of the Arab uprisings, despite the optimism, the Islamist democratic currents remained in the throes of events and developments, and instead the Takfiri groups managed to expand their sphere of influence so that in less than four years, dozens of military and paramilitary groups Takfiris were formed in such a way that large parts of Syria and Iraq are now in the hands of currents such as ISIS and Al-Nusra or aligned Takfiri groups. And the relative passivity of the great powers, especially the United States, at the international level has paved the way for the spread of takfiri movements in Iraq and Syria. The spread of the above currents has practically caused the spread of crises and conflicts in the Middle East and its consequences to the Western world, and therefore provides the ground for more role and mobility of international actors.

Undoubtedly the life of terrorist groups in all regions of the world, financial support is found and hidden Sent by government and non-state sources. Beyond knowing the details and how to do this this is an issue that is of particular importance in the fight against terrorism International law is about financing terrorism. The purpose of this article is to analyze and investigate the crime of financing terrorism in international law focusing on the ISIS terrorist group in Iraq and Syria. The main question of this article is that how is international law financing terrorist groups such as ISIL in Syria and Iraq? The research hypothesis of the present research is that in international law the creation of the Convention against the Financing of Terrorism (1999) and the issuance of various resolutions, in particular Resolution (2001) of the United Nations Security Council it shows that the subject of this article has been the focus of attention of countries and international legal entities. The results of this paper also show that despite international legal restrictions on preventing the financing of terrorism but the activities of the ISIL terrorist group this is the truth that observe, control, and combat the financing phenomenon which undoubtedly plays a key role in expanding the actions of the terrorist groups we need to be more precise and broader by international institutions and to work closely with national governments.

The phenomenon of ISIL as the latest covert of terrorism has expanded into new dimensions of the possibility of spreading brutal violence. This phenomenon is known as a new threat to existing order in three areas of territory, population and state type and making it an unpredictable phenomenon. Regardless of the necessity of designing for a post-conflict encounter with this flow, it should be for the existential reasons of such thinking, it began to face and collide at the same stage of the cause. Because unbridled terrorism, like ISIS, has had an unlimited reaction to its surroundings, which has turned it into a security hurdle, even for countries that are thousands of kilometers from its geographical range. Under these circumstances, it is likely that, by eliminating ISIL from the military and political equations of the world, yet due to lack of attention to the foundations of ISIS, other examples of this would lead to security crises in the world. The method of research in this research has been based on the "historical method" and "descriptive method" due to the historical origins and dimensions of the formation of ISIS and its reaction to the phenomenon of the existing world order. The library method is used to collect data. And descriptive sections have also been analyzed. ISIL's geopolitical efforts can be considered as an answer to the political economic performance of Central Asian countries towards marginalized countries, given the colonial and historical exploitation of the centuries and the lack of recognition of the cultural identity of the nations enclosed by the central powers. ISIL's phenomenon as an emerging trend has brought about great changes in the Middle East region, especially around the world. The question of this research is that from a geopolitical point of view, Isis's actions regarding the economic and cultural order - the identity created by the dominant and centralized countries, is analyzed? The findings of this study indicate that the geography of the birth and growth of ISIS is related to peripheral and exploited countries, especially in the Middle East, According to Wallerstein's theory of the Welshstein system and Taylor's identification policy, it can be said that ISIS is attempting, in the form of violent terrorism, to act as a "legitimate defense" and justify its geopolitical reaction in three areas of land and border, population and nation, and government and system Political among Sunni Muslims and Muslims with Sunni radical tendencies.

This article seeks to examine the effects of the rise of ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria) in Syria and Iraq on the political-security equations and power developments in the West Asia region. Regarding the neoclassical realism theory of international relations, the constant variable of this research is ISIS and its dependent variable is power developments in the Middle East region. The research method of this paper is "descriptive-analytical". The collected materials are presented quantitatively in tables using the library and documentary methods, and then analyzed based on the theoretical framework of the research. This article studies the various dimensions of the role of ISIS in Middle East dynamics. From the perspective of the paper, the first and most important consequence of the emergence of the ISIS terrorist group in West Asia is the "weakening of the resistance front" against the Zionist regime, which took place in two directions. First, by increase in the number of terrorist groups in the Middle East, the power of groups of the resistance axis are used to confront them. Second, the emergence of ISIS has created a rift between Sunni and Shiite, and resulted in internal differences in Islamic World that eventually is in the favor of Zionist regime. One more consequence of ISIS is the "Increase of “Islamophobia” in the world. On the other hand, the ISIS crisis has made "negative impact on economy and development" in the region. Accordingly, we see the decline of Western Asian countries financial resources and their retardation from the process of economic and industrial development. In all, ISIS has caused security-economic damage to all actors in the Middle East and by challenging existing relative order, has increased the roots of distrust in the region, and has faced serious challenges to the peace prospects among the region's actors.

The Kurdish regions of Iraq, centered on two traditional parties, the Patriotic Union and the Democratic Party, were created with the opportunities created after the collapse of the Baath regime. They were able to take power and gain countless powers in the economic, security and political fields of the new Iraqi structure. In the new Iraqi structure, the Kurdistan Region is centered on the Democratic Party in the areas of security, economic, foreign policy, territoriality, and so on. Acting unilaterally And, instead of the nature of the intergovernmental pattern of interaction with the central government of Iraq, it has followed the pattern of opposition and has been challenged by the central government. Following the ISIS invasion of Iraq, the common enemy on the one hand has led to military cooperation between the Kurdistan Region and the central government of Iraq. On the other hand, the security vacuum created in the disputed areas has led to the cultivation and sale of oil in those areas by the climate and has exacerbated the challenges with the central government. The opposition of the Democratic Party to the central government in the fields of economic and security and the excessive alignment with Turkey has caused the crisis and dissatisfaction of other parties in the Kurdistan region. And this situation has made the Patriotic Union closer to Iran as a regional power, in order to balance the political currents with regard to the common historical background. This research uses a descriptive-analytical method and library-based sources and documents to analyze the geopolitical analysis of the Kurdistan region after the collapse of ISIS. The results of the research show that the ISIL war with regard to its capabilities has led the Democratic Party to intensify its opposition to the central government and the proximity to Turkey as well as to the balance of power in relation to the regional powers of the Patriotic Union toward Iran. It is more likely that the possibility of the geopolitical division of Iraqi Kurdistan between the regional powers (Iran and Turkey) is more likely.

Afghanistan has always conceived significant political and geopolitical challenges throughout history. With the beginning of the Syrian crisis and the formation of ISIS, Mullah Abdul-Rauf Khadem was the first commander who declared allegiance to Baghdadi. After the 9th June, 2014 when Bagdadi called himself Muslims Caliphate and asked all them to oath allegiance to him, Ayman al-Zawahiri, al-Qaeda leader, with the issuance of statement started to condemn the actions of ISIS in the Muslim world on the one hand, and made extensive efforts to strengthen the ideological and military grounds of his own in Afghanistan and other Islamic countries like al-Nusra on the other hand. In this research, we try to investigate similarities and differences the terrorist groups of Taliban and ISIS and also evaluate the future of ISIS presence in Afghanistan considering Taliban as well as regional powers such as Iran, Russia, and China.
The hypothesis of the study is tested in a descriptive- analytical way and data are collected with library and internet methods.
Findings : The most important reasons and goals for the presence of Islamic State in Afghanistan can be seen in the following cases:1. Creating diversity on battlefields, reducing pressures on the Takfirist group in Syria and Iraq, power recruitment, communicating and if possible cooperating with other Terrorist groups, extending the borders of Islamic caliphate claimed by ISIS in central Asia, being a suitable infrastructure to cultivate narcotics and earn huge revenue.
2. The reasons of the allegiance of some Taliban commanders with ISIS
3. The growing tensions between Taliban leaders and ideas scattering after the death of Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar, ISIS more powerful economy than Taliban, swearing allegiance of other extremists from Africa such as Boko Haram with ISIS and the dream of Khorasan province to come to realize.
4. Explaining the similarities between ISIS and Taliban.
5. Both groups have emerged when the national-regional crises were exacerbated, both of them attempt to define and identify their geographical boundaries, another important similarity between ISIS and Taliban is fighting to central government and Shiite in the area, instrumental use of Islam is the interface of two groups, use of force and violence, terror and also having a tacit support from a number of regional and trans-regional powers.
6. Differences between ISIS and Taliban
7. Difference in nation- State, in universality, in forces constituted, in economy and financing, and difference in religion.
8. Factors leading to ISIS presence in Afghanistan (facilitating factors)
9. Diversity in the Taliban's internal structure, lacking attractive of Taliban ideology, the field conditions in Iraq and Syria, the confused situation of internal politics in Afghanistan, the geopolitics of Afghanistan and its importance for ISIS.
Analysis
Feedback of ISIS presence in Afghanistan on regional politics of China, Russia and Iran:- China and the crisis of the Islamic State in Afghanistan
- The fear of Chinese from ISIS has caused increasing security and defense cooperation, strong diplomatic relations and economic collaboration between China and Afghanistan, further support of Chinese government to Afghan security forces and increasing China's military helps to this country.
- Russia approach toward the Islamic State in Afghanistan
- Islamic State will be regarded as a threatening factor against Russia and its interests in Central Asia by two ways.
- First, through the establishment of military units specific for citizens of Central Asia and Caucasus and making them to come to civil war in Iraq and Syria and getting military experiences.
- Second, through make contact with extremists operating in Fergana valley and the north of Afghanistan.
- Security implications arising from the presence of ISIS in Afghanistan in terms of national security and Iran’s interests:1. The risk of anti-Shiite sectarianism;
2. Security threat to Iran’s borders in the east;
3. Security conflicts between countries in the region.
The Islamic State try to increase its influence in countries of Central Asia and Iran through Afghanistan. Also, ISIS try to dominate Afghanistan and some experts have warned that if the Afghan government does not seriously attempt to destroy ISIS completely, the terrorist actions maybe more dangerous and bloodier in Afghanistan than Syria and Iraq. Furthermore, a number of Taliban commanders have joined to ISIS and now operate under the black flags. Therefore, the necessary approaches must be applied to prevent the influence of Islamic State in Afghanistan by the regional powers such as Iran, Russia, China as well as Taliban in Afghanistan. The first approach will be security and military supports to central government in Afghanistan against ISIS.

The group calling itself the Islamic State poses a grave threat, not just to Iraq and Syria but to the region more broadly and to the United States, as well as its global coalition partners. A deadly and adaptive foe, the Islamic State seemed to come out of nowhere in June 2014, when it conquered Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city. However, the Islamic State of today is the direct descendant of a group that Iraq, the United States, and their partners once fought as al-Qaida in Iraq and then as the Islamic State of Iraq.Analysts and specialists had already spent years studying the group and actually knew quite a bit about it: how it financed and organized itself, how it established control, how it responded to airpower, and what its ultimate goals were. The Republican meme is that every problem, including in the Middle East, is Barack Obama’s fault. Although emphasizing independence and self-reliance for America, they deny responsibility and accountability for their party. According to the GOP, George W. Bush left America and the world secure. The feckless Obama administration allowed the collapse of Iraq and rise of the Islamic State.For instance, Jeb Bush defended his brother’s policies. He cited the “brilliant, heroic, and costly” success of the Iraqi troop surge, asking “why was the success of the surge followed by a withdrawal from Iraq, leaving not even the residual force that commanders and the joint chiefs knew was necessary?” He complained that “now we have the creation of ISIS.” In contrast, he contended, “had we kept the 10,000 troop commitment that was there for the President to negotiate and to agree with, we probably wouldn’t have ISIS right now.” Bush declared that “The one thing about my brother: he kept us safe.”