جستجوی مقالات مرتبط با کلیدواژه « Comprehensive Security » در نشریات گروه « علوم انسانی »

It is very clearly drawn. According to the teachings of the Qur'an, the final sovereignty of the world belongs to the righteous and the oppressed, and a figure from the generation of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) at the head of the Promised Nation will establish security, servitude and universal justice with divine assistance and efficient management. Although the belief in the succession of the Promised Nation is accepted by all There are Islamic schools of thought, but there is a difference of opinion about the examples, place and time, and how to fulfill the promises contained in the verse of Isthilaf. The main problem of the research is the comparative study of the views of the parties, emphasizing the opinions of Fakhr Razi about the Promised Nation based on the verse of Isthilaf. Like many Sunni scholars, Fakhrrazi believes that the content of the verse was fulfilled after the departure of the Prophet (PBUH) and the time of the Companions, and that the verse is contrary to the four imams. Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman and Ali (pbuh) are implied, and the promised people are the companions of the Prophet (pbuh) who, considering the chaotic political and social situad the vfiniteth

Competition and conflict in the strategic region of the Persian Gulf due to the multiplicity of stakeholders at the regional and extra-regional surface that are involved in it is a significant source of instability and affects the regional arena as well. In the context of the role of extra-regional actors in the security of the Persian Gulf and considering that in recent years the security trends of the Persian Gulf have been faced with a variety of partnerships and defence cooperation, there are generally two dominant approaches. The first approach is based on regional realities, complex conflicts and competitions. In this approach, to ensure the balance of power, it is necessary to form alliances and maximize military power and deterrence. The second approach, which is a comprehensive security structure related to cooperation in the fields of trade, environment, energy, maritime security and counter-terrorism, recommends a suitable strategy to gradually achieve a security system with the participation of all parties. Therefore, the research question is what is the motivation of these security trends and what arrangements do they refer to in the region and are the dynamics in question likely to lead to a deep change in the security of the Persian Gulf or not? It is assumed that due to the constant fluctuations in this strategic region, the initiation and implementation of a security mechanism that involves all relevant factors is an issue that needs more attention. Accordingly, there is no such mechanism and the existing arrangements and security regimes do not provide a platform for all actors in the Persian Gulf region, especially Iran and Saudi Arabia, to have security and defence interactions with each other.

The symptoms of evolution in the security policy of Middle East's actors have been shaped following the Arab uprisings in 2011. Iran's security policy formed by both internal and external factors was quickly affected by the mentioned developments. The present paper explores Iran's security policy making since the Arab awakening and especially towards the developments in Syria, Yemen, Bahrain and Iraq. Moreover, the authors attempt to submit a prescriptive instructions in order to improving the security policy making in Iran. The main question of the paper is as follows: what is the essence and elements of Iran's security policy towards the Arab awakening and what implications it has had? The findings illustrate that Iran's security policies since the eruption of uprisings in the region has been based on maintenance and expansion of regional influence through various instruments such as diplomatic, economic and military methods.