The purpose of this article is to explain the sociology of vandalism in the city of Khorramabad. The statistical population is youth and about 405 people have been studied as a sample. Quantitative study method, survey and through a questionnaire and to explain the data and how the relationship between independent variables and dependent variables (vandalistic behavior) Pearson correlation and path analysis statistical method is used. The study is a combination of theories of social disorganization, social connection, and Bourdieu's theory of action.Findings Pearson R's relationship between independent variables of research and vandalistic behavior; For economic capital (-0.432), cultural capital (-0.310), social bonding (0.635), age (-0.147), social disorder (0.402), social concern (0.411), and finally for subcultural diversity (0.185).In the first stage of path analysis; Among the variables, five variables significantly explained and predicted the rate of vandalism 0.57.In the second stage, four variables; About 0.33% have explained and predicted changes in social bonding.

This article aims to study the present status of two dimensions of social capital in the disadvantaged neighborhoods of Kerman: Structural (network of relationships) and cognitive (trust). Moreover, it tries to compare these two dimensions in disadvantaged and non disadvantaged neighborhoods and also to compare the disadvantaged one with national sample.

The present study is a descriptive – analytic research. Questionnaire has been used for gathering information. The sample is 404 individuals selected through multi-stage cluster sampling in three deprived and marginal neighborhoods in Kerman. Also the national survey of measuring the country’s social capital and the complementary research on the non- deprived neighborhoods in Kerman are used to compare the social capitals in the samples.

The results of T-test show that, in collective level, the amount of structural social capital in deprived neighborhoods is significantly lower than the non-deprived ones. These findings indicate that the relationship of the residents of deprived neighborhoods with the individuals who belong to the higher social-economic status, in comparison to the residents of the non-deprived neighborhoods, is significantly lower.

Moreover, the findings show that the amount of public and organizational trust (bridging social capital) of the deprived neighborhoods in comparison to the national sample which include all of the social classes and groups is significantly lower. This fact might make trouble in the cooperation of the deprived individuals with the public organizations and institutions for empowerment and improvement in their life. Also the findings indicate that the trust of the residents of the deprived neighborhoods in their relatives is more than the average level of the society.  At last, the findings, in personal level, show that the variables such as age, education and income, have significant association to the structural social capital and the perception of justice and equality have significant relationship to cognitive social capital.

Over the past few decades, academic attention has drawn to political participation in democratic and even non-democratic countries. Most of this academic interest is related to the concern and analysis of the eroding levels of civic engagement, the decline in voting, the erosion of public trust in democratic institutions and other symbols, including doubt, pessimism, and distrust of politicians and political parties. In addition, concerns about the erosion of political participation coincided in reality with the emergence of two completely new phenomena; first, the emergence of "unconventional forms of participation" that differ with traditional contributions and its effects in protest, and strike. It finds neither party activity nor participation in elections. The second phenomenon is the emergence of virtual social networks with positive and negative consequences for participation and political and participatory behaviors. Hence, the effect of virtual social networks and cyberspace and social relationships and interactions within this space on civil and political participation in recent years and occurrence of events such as the Arab Spring and the one-percent Movement (in the United States and Europe), are of great importance. In this regard, the present article, considering the importance of online social networking in the prominent and hidden civic and political protests and activities from the late 1980s to the present time, seeks to assess the impact of social capital on online and offline networks on participation the citizens in Sanandaj.

This research is a descriptive correlational with the survey method. A hybrid questionnaire of standard questions about social capital in Williams' virtual and non-virtual space and a researcher-made questionnaire for political participation in two evident dimensions were conducted. A questionnaire based on alpha coefficients for items and formal validity, with appropriate reliability, was distributed among 400 respondents who were selected through multi-stage cluster sampling. Discussion of Results &

The descriptive findings of the research indicate that the average political participation was in the medium range. Although the results indicate a more appropriate and higher status of explicit political participation among Sanandaj citizens. The results of the hypothesis test and significance level have also shown that the effect of all four dimensions of social capital (Bonding and Bridging) in virtual and non-virtualization spaces on political participation has been significant. The results of this study also indicated a significant relationship between the bridging social capital and somewhat bonding social capital in the real environment with political participation. In addition, the analytical results of the study indicate the significant effect of presence in cyberspace, especially its Bridging relationships, on the forms of new political participation (latent). In contrast, the existence of real bridging social capital has had a more meaningful relationship with the apparent and conventional form of political participation. However, the empirical results of the present study can be interpreted sociologically so that with the advent of the network society and the virtual social space, the form, content and quality of human interactions, and consequently civil and political actions, undergo remarkable changes. It is difficult and impossible to study and analyze them based on previous theoretical foundations. Hence, in civil and political actions, the term "unconventional participation" by Inglehart and other thinkers (2005, 2009) rightly emphasizes the process in which the kind of civil action from its conventional forms (including presence in parties and hardcore civil action), and the dominant aspect (although today it is only in Western societies) are new forms of civil action based on virtual communication. This is a trend that is expanding with the growth of the network community in developing countries, including Iran. Signs and examples of such a process are in the political and civil activities, in the environmental, water resources, advocacy of Iranian wildlife and clean air protection in Iran and Kurdistan, which have achieved some successes in some cases. There are also protests and strikes of the workers, truckers, marketers, writing protest letters from the guilds, unmarried gatherings, and special events based on the various congregations in different places from Persepolis to the market and the park and passage (Cyrus), among other prominent examples. The changes in the past two years have been in Iran's society and politics, and of course in Kurdistan. From this perspective, it seems that although all the changes cannot be considered by the growth of cyberspace and we explicitly spoke about the importance and positive role of cyberspace in political development and in the present case, political participation and its forms, which is likely to coincide with the growth of media and virtual social networks. A new form of social capital and a new form of trust, especially generalized trust, are shaping for the promotion and development of political participation.

The process of rapid urbanization in the world, especially in developing countries, and how to deal with globalization is one of the most important issues that has posed a serious challenge to Iran's urban development. One of the models to face this challenge is to deepen the increase of social capital in the society. This has led to urban planning in Iran in the past decades has not been able to meet the challenges of globalization and has become completely under its control. This study seeks to explain the role of urban development programs in terms of attention to the concept of social capital in the face of globalization and specifically answer the question of how the negative effects of globalization can be mitigated in urban programs by strengthening social capital The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical with a combined approach (quantitative and qualitative) and its unit in the qualitative dimension is the use of experts and managers in the field of urban planning in Tehran and in a quantitative dimension using the Cochran's formula, 356 people, have been questioned. Also, the basic document in this research is the latest comprehensive plan of Tehran.Findings show that urban programs in the face of two types of social capital "Bonding" and "Bridging", has led to an increase in social capital Bonding. By choosing a participatory approach, they can strengthen the Bridging social capital at various levels and undermine the negative consequences of globalization