The security crisis in Afghanistan decreased between 2001-2008 due to the fall of the Taliban regime and the role of the United States and NATO in that country. However, violence, casualties, terrorist attacks, the activities of terrorist groups and warlords, feelings of insecurity among ordinary citizens and political elites, as well as the instability of Afghanistan's institutions and political system, have increased since 2008. Simultaneously, the role of regional actors in supporting non-governmental and local groups have expanded over time. This article seeks to answer the question of what factors contributed to the spread of insecurity and security crises in Afghanistan from since 2008? To answer this question, security theories and in particular the approaches of Barry Buzan, Mohammad Ayoob, and Richard Little have been used. The findings illustrate that differences in the idea of ​​government influenced by ethnicity and religion, fragmented society, declining government legitimacy, terrorist groups and warlords and the relationship of these factors with the security environment in which more powerful states such as Pakistan are playing have expanded Afghanistan's security challenges since 2008.

All the efforts made to put an end to the Libyan crisis have failed and the country is still a scene for conflict among the warlords. This paper is written with the aim to explain the process of conflict in Libya and to depict the outlooks of transition to peace based on the existing trends. The main argument is that the tribal structure of the Libyan society, the policies of the previous government of Muammar Gaddafi in managing the tribes through a divide and rule mechanism together with building a coalition of the tribes loyal to the head of the state as well as the interests of the foreign countries involved in the conflict are the main reasons for continuation of the conflict in Libya. Although diminishing of the rivalries between the regional powers and the European countries readiness to accept collective initiates have weakened some of the barriers to transition to peace, the shattered national institutions and continuation of popular identification based on tribal loyalties point towards continuation of the crisis and demonstrate that the outlooks for peace in the near future are all but gloomy.

The Arab world has witnessed two intertwined phenomena since the Arab Spring: The first has been the deterioration of the internal situation in countries where many countries such as Libya, Syria and Yemen have experienced the risk of collapse, while many others like Lebanon suffers from internal weakness. The second was the emergence of non-state violent actors (VNSAS), such as terrorist jihadists, warlords, organized crime syndicates and armed militias affiliated with political parties and tribes. The second phenomenon is the natural consequence of the first. When a government fails, it cannot monopolize the use of force, complete control of its territory and secure its borders. These conditions create a security and political vacuum that is a suitable environment for the spread of violent non-state actors.  Currently, in the Arab countries, the role of such actors has made the efforts for peace more difficult and complicated for the government. This article aims to analyze the causes of the state-nation crisis in the post-Arab world, focusing on answering the following fundamental question: What are the reasons for the formation and spread of violent non-state actors in the Arab world? The provisional answer to these questions is that the complex and multilayered combination of economic, socio-religious and political factors and the crisis of legitimacy and the continued intervention of foreign countries to support or suppress terrorist groups have fueled insecurity and increased conflict. Factors have led to the emergence of non-state violent actors in the Arab world.

The ministerial term of Khwajah Nizam al-Mulk Toosi and Sultan Malik-shah can be regarded as the golden age of the Seljuk Dynasty. However، the ruling system suffered an inherent deficiency، the rivalry between two bureaucratic groups affiliated with Khurasan and Iraq. To the end of his life، Nizam al-Mulk gave up power to his Iraqi dissidents leading to the elimination of his Khurasani advocates from power system. Nevertheless، the time-honored contest was resumed soon after Malik-shah''s death and the battle over his succession. During the kingdom of Barkiyaruq both groups continued their effort to seize power wherein Majd al-Mulk Qumi played a significant role as a pro-Iraqi bureaucrat. The current study is intended to explore the root causes of Iraqi-Khurasani rivalry during Majd al-Mulk''s administration. The findings of the study، which involved descriptive analysis of library resources، cast some doubt on assuming religious strife as the cause of rivalry، with power-seeking factor instead of playing the main role there.

One of the most important issues about immunity food can keep law of civil residents and other groups of people in the international and internal conflict which confirmed by The 1949 Geneva Conventions and it is a fundamental human rights in the second generation should be respected with the parties in this conflicts , unfortunately in the Yemen war was been a massive breach The principle of separationfrom The Houthi movement and Coalition led by Saudi Arabia, In this paper consider this issue to reach procedures legal and criminal with regard to the rights of immunity food toward to criminal military person and government .without any doubt , this issue can’t follow up the aspect of human sustainable development and impediment internationally such as : 2216 resolution on the base of human sustainable goal and request helping 51 united nation charter in applicable manner cooperation The international community , united nation security council , united nation general assembly from exporting new competency in the pioneer European countries sphere and other successful countries such as : human rights toward to crime against immunity food completely and implicit to pursue .

The bulk of studies on the Umayyad era have highlighted the Arabism of the Umayyad governors and agents and their contempt for non-Arabs. Nevertheless, in the Umayyad bureaucracy, the Iranian characteristics inherited from the Sassanid period and the activities of the Iranian bureaucrats are clearly visible. The Umayyads were indebted to the pre-Islamic bureaucracy of Iran not only on the account of their ignorance and organizational demands, but also due to the skills and competencies of the Iranians in this domain. This paper, by considering criteria such as explicit reports in these sources regarding the Iranian origin of bureaucrats and also signs that lend credit to this argument, seeks to identify bureaucratic Iranians in this period. By doing so, this paper challenges Umayyad Arabism inherent in the bureaucracy governing eastern lands of the Caliphate

The formation of the first monarchical dynasty in Iran, the Medes,repared the grounds for the emergence of a political, social and geographical being based on territory, geography, and government, which became expressly manifest as Iran and Iranshahr (Iranian state) during the Sasanid era. The collapse of the Sasanid dynasty in effect dissolved this independent entity in a totality called Dar ul Islam or Islamic ummah. Although the Iranian identity continued to prosper within the framework of cultural and lingual features, the Iranian elements from the early centuries of the Islamic period created serious challenges when they tried for the independence and restoration of the Iranian entity. The collapse of the Abbasid dynasty and formation of the Ilkhanid government prepared the grounds for the restoration of the concept of Iran and Iranshahr. Rashiduddin Fazlullah Hamedani, a renowned bureaucrat of the Ilkhanid era, played a significant role in the restoration of the concept of Iran. He spared no efforts to elaborate on the issue from theoretical and practical points of view. The present article is an attempt to review his scholarly work, Jame' ul Tavarikh, to shed light on his efforts for the restoration of the concept of Iran as a state.

Due to the involvement of various political institutions and agents, the structure of Saljuq dynasty (1040-1193 AD) is unique in comparison to the political structure of other Islamic regimes. "Saljuqnameh" written by Zahir al-din Nishabouri provides a brief objective narration about the establishment and development of Saljuq governmental structure. Nishabouri’s detailed attention to the military generals as an important factor in the political changes of this period, and to the attempts by the bureaucrats to curb and control their power and to its use effectively to strengthen the Saljuq Government is an interesting characteristic of the book. This article looks at the dialectic relationship and the intense competition between the military and bureaucratic institutions in Saljuq Dynasty. The secret alliance between military agents and the lack of unity between the bureaucrats prevented the bureaucratic institution to stop the military and break their exclusive domination in power.

Ghaznavis were influenced directly by Iranian culture because of being brought up in Iran. They celebrated Nowruz and Mehregan celebrations with the same ceremonial and rituals as original Iranian did. They learned their principles of military and warfare like having body guards, tailor in the protective guard equipment, etc. Although Samanids themselves were influenced by Sassanid dynasty’s techniques, undoubtedly, Bayhaqi, as a tactician minister who was completely familiar with Iranian culture, was effective in making Ghaznavids known with the Iranian culture. Therefore, the reflection of ancient Iranian culture in the book of Bayhaqi's History is not very surprising. In this book, there are some cases of cultural influences and commonalities during this period, which clearly shows the study and reflection of Bayhaqi in the ancients’ books, including Shahnameh of Ferdowsi, Altaj Jahiz, Adab Saghir, and Adab kabir by Ibn Muqaffa. He tells about Ibn Muqaffa and confesses that he has read his books. In this research, the cultural components reflected in Ancient Iran in Bayhaqi’s history is studied by referring to resources like Bayhaqi's history. This article is written in descriptive-analytical way and based on library and first-hand sources, especially the Bayhaqi History book. This research aims to answer what the cultural components reflected in Ancient Iran are in the history of Bayhaqi. The research findings showed that more than twelve cases of the Iranian cultural components are influenced by the book of history. Bayhaqi expresses a great deal of history, culture, and politics of the ancestors in his book, which cannot be included in this context. In this research, we have studied twelve Iranian cultural components that have been reflected in Bayhaqi history. One of the cultural components reflected in the history of Bayhaqi is description of Nowruz and Mehregan celebrations with the same rituals. And also in this book, the idea of ​​the divine authority of the monarchy, Farah Izadi and conformity of the king Adel Farhmand are clearly reflected. Moreover, Massoud Ghaznavi's military training style, and his hunting practices reflect the traditions of the ancient Iranian, especially Cyrus Hakhamaneshi and Bahram Gōr. The companionship of the Sultan with the wise men who were named in the history of Bayhaqi also reflects the wisdom pennies of Ardeshir Babakan, Bahram Gōr, Bozorgmehr and Kosrow Anushirvan about meetings of king with wise men. In addition, in history of Bayhaqi, love and passion of Massoud Ghaznavi for pleasure and hunting is a reflection of the desire of Bahram Gōr to the same things. As it is mentioned in Shahnameh of Ferdowsi, Rostam Dasan held feast and served drink after every war, in the history of Bayhaqi after every war, Mas'ud Ghaznavi did the same. Moreover, in the history of Bayhaqi, the tradition named ‘bread and salt’ had been mentioned and it is declared that bread and salt is one of the original Persian traditions that Iranian pilgrims and young men adhered to. The persistence of Iranian culture is one of the most resonant topics that has always occupied the researchers’ minds. In this regard, many elites and many scholars have been diligent, and not only did they keep Iran's culture, but they have also transmitted it to the other periods. Abo al-Fazl Bayhaqi is one of these elites who has been keen on preserving and transferring Iranian culture to other periods in such a way that many cultural components of Iranians and Iranian thought are reflected in the Book of Baihaqi History. Followings are the cultural and political components reflected in Bayhaqi's book. 1. ​​Iranians believed in the status of divine monarchy, given to Ahoura Mazda by the king, and also, in the history of Bayhaqi, he was called the monarchy of God. 2. Ancient Iranians believed in the existence of an idealistic Farahmand king that a Gloria had a hallo of light around his head and was the cause of the victory of the king in the wars; in Bayhaqi's history, Mahmoud and Massoud were referred as the kings of Farahmand, such as Sunshine. 3. In the Iranian thought, the king could have a Gloria until he was a judge and not oppressor; otherwise, the king’s Gloria would be separated from him and must fight against him; in the history of Bayhaqi, until the king is impartial, he has the right and we must obey him, otherwise we should rise against him. 4. In ancient Iran, the judiciary of kings, especially Ardeshir Babakan and Kosrow Anoushirovan, were considered as the ideal kings of justice, which were the example of others. And also in Bayhaqi's history, Ardeshir of Babakan is mentioned as an example of the justice of the kings and Kosrow Anoushiravan as a righteous king. 5. In ancient Persia, the kings chose wise and scholar companions and believed that the wise companion exalted the spirit and the wise minister should remind him of the defect of the king; in the history of Bayhaqi, the role of a wise companion in the transcendence of the soul is mentioned and the defect of the sultan has been pointed out. 6. Anniversary, music and celebrations in ancient Persians' thinking were a ritual and traditional theme that the kings of Iran paid greatly, and the same thing was reflected in Bayhaqi's history. 7. The national festivals of Nowruz and Mehregan were important for kings of ancient Iran and they were offered gifts during that time; in the history of Bayhaqi, the Ghaznavid Sultans held the same style. 8. In ancient Persia, on the Mehregan Day, the kings wore a crown which reflected the light of sun. In the history of Bayhaqi, Mas'ud Ghaznavi also wore a crown which reflected the light of sun, during the celebration of the Mahregan. 9. In ancient Persia, there was a costume that the tribes would give the king the best product of their land, including clothes, jewelry, and animals, and in the history of Bayhaqi, the tribes bestowed their best production of their lands as gifts to the Sultan. 10. In ancient Iran, the king was regarded as the king of predators, and in the childhood they learned special training for hunting to become strong in the battle; in the history of Bayhaqi, the training of Massoud Ghaznavi in hunting and killing his lion is applicable to the stories of Cyrus and Bahram Gōr. Moreover, the tradition of special hunting practices such as the abandon of killing lions in front of a king were reflected precisely in history of Bayhaqi. 11. Army in ancient Persia has various nationalities with stained flags. In the history of Bayhaqi, a multi-national army with flagged flags has been mentioned. 12. In ancient Persia and in the Shahnameh of Ferdowsi, the tradition of bread and salt is mentioned, and the history of Bayhaqi has also referred to this tradition.