The supreme leader of Iranian Islamic Revolution; Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in 2001، because of the need to fight corruption and to develop a model for the fight against corruption، issued an 8 articles order and in this message with a deep، intellectual knowledgeable insight considered all aspects of the issue to provide an ideal model for Alavi government. Investigating this order thoroughly indicates that it is rooted in Imam Ali''s decree and commands to Malik Al-Ashtar (one of the most loyal companions of Ali Ibn Abi Talib) mentioned in the letter number 53 of Nahj-Albalagheh. In this paper، it is tried to show that 8 Article Order by the Iran''s supreme leader has been based on Imam Ali''s command to Malik Al-Ashtar. This comparative study was conducted through a content analysis method. Findings show that there are many similarities between these two governmental decrees; mainly in the case of government''s total goals; serving people and seeking justice، causes of corruption; privilege seeking and rentierism، supervision and monitoring and the characteristics of supervisors including commitment، honesty، loyalty، efficiency and principles governing the fight against corruption which consist of decisiveness، courage، justice، equity، non-discrimination، punishment of criminals.

The occurrence of revolution is accompanied with fundamental developments and rapid changes in every society. The Islamic Revolution too with its victory introduced new structures, values, definitions, subjects ad concepts. One of such important issues was the concept of freedom and human rights in general and private and public domains of the citizens in particular. As the leader of the popular revolution, Imam Khomeini in his interviews and speeches referred to this issue a number of times. In fact, private and public domains had a special place in his thought and precept. His 1982 Eight-Point Decree, which addressed the executive and judicial officials reflected his viewpoints in this regard and plays a vital role for the society and the public. The present paper is an attempt to study Imam’s approach to public and private domains through studying his precept and the Eight-Point Decree. Also attempts have been made to provide answer to the following questions: How Imam’s stance on people’s privacy is explained in the light of his speeches about encroaching upon people’s privacy because of the expediency of the system? Are these two contradictory?

The burden of high political, economic and social costs of corruption over the last few decades has made the fight against corruption a priority for many countries. Economic disadvantages are the major obstacles to the establishment of the political and governmental system of Islam and repeated difficulties and sufferings that, whenever it appears, threaten the realization of "justice" and also it is considered the pest and danger in the path to growth in all aspects of political management and the legal system of the Islamic system. In examining the reasons and philosophy of the Islamic Revolution, the ideas of Imam Khomaini and the Supreme Leader have been considered as one of the most important principles in the fight against economic corruption. The importance of combating economic corruption is so great that the Supreme Leader in the year 2002 issued a decree of eight articles in the fight against economic corruption, and even on the basis of that, headquarters for fight against economic corruption was formed. The present study uses a descriptive-analytical method to investigate the role of specialized governing institutions in combating economic corruption in terms of the philosophy of the Islamic Revolution. The findings of this research show that the most important causes of economic corruption in the country are included: the diversity of specialized institutions of struggle against corruptions, rentier and petroleum economics, the lack of effective political will in some state institutions, the lack of participation of specialized civil societies in the fight against corruption, the weakness of the rule of law and obscure regulation, government interference in the economy and the large government, lack of scientific dealing with corruption, lack of financial transparency in the electoral system and, most importantly, the lack of strict implementation of the eight articles of the Supreme Leader on combating corruption so it is necessary to reform the norms (laws), structures (establishment of the anticorruption organization) and organizational behaviors, the efficiency and effectiveness of the governing bodies, by transforming the establishment of the National Transparency Institute or the institution of combating economic corruption into economic and financial transparency with correction of the institutional structures of the anti-corruption sovereignty.

This research has been carried out with the aim of investigating the structures of combating economic crimes and corruption in restoring economic security and expert views have also been provided.

The present research method is of applied and qualitative type, regarding the nature of the research. The use of the qualitative research method in this study is as a matter of fact, a response to certain research questions in orderto achieve theoretical saturation. The statistical society of this research includes managers, experts and professors and all the people who somehow specialize in the fields of economic security and combating economic corruption. In regardsto the qualitative nature of the research, no possible sampling plan has been taken into considerations, and the samples have been selected on the basis of Snow Ball method. The data gathering tool included semi-structured interviewswhich were verified by Guba, E. G., and Y. S. Lincoln authenticity 

 Findings of the research:

 The findings of the research have been shown in two theoretical parts and somewhat field part which state that providing economic security is subject to structural combat and tendency towards the Constitutionand Eight-Commandments of the Supreme Leader in combating economic corruption, especially, “ comprehensive measures taken by the tertiary Branches, particularly the Executive and Legislative Branches” and refraining from otherbureaucracies and establishing an entity to combat economic corruption and the existence of strong police system in the field of economic security.

According to the Article 6 of the Constitution, one of the methods of governing the country is to refer to public opinion and hold a referendum. In this regard, paragraph 3 of the Article 110 of the Constitution states that one of the duties and powers of the Supreme Leader is to issue a "referendum order". The ambiguities of this paragraph have led to some debates and disagreements regarding the inclusion of the authority of the Supreme Leader in the issuance of the legislative referendum order as the subject of the Article 59 of the Constitution. Therefore, the main question of this research is dedicated to the analysis of the competence of the Supreme Leader in issuing a referendum order. The present study, through a descriptive-analytical form and using library data, based on the detailed negotiations of the Constitutional Review Council and the legal reasoning, as well as adherence to the paragraph 3 of the Article 110 of the Constitution, believes that the authority of the Supreme Leader is not limited just to issue a referendum order on Constitutional revision, but includes the legislative referendum set forth in the Article 59 of the Constitution.

The ambiguity regarding the concept considered by the members of the Review Council of the term "issuing referendum" in Article 110(3), has led to this fact that the real role of the Leader in referendum process and the scope of his authority over the types of referenda has remained vague. In this research, it was attempted to explain the concept of the term "issuing of the referendum" based on an intentionalist approach and in the form of descriptive-analytic studies, in order to explain the authority of the Supreme Leader in the process of substantive and legislative referenda. Analyzing the discussions of the members of the Review Council and considering other relevant indications, it could be argued that the term "issuing of the referendum" was intended to identify the practical action of Imam Khomeini in issuing the decree on the beginning of the process of the "Constitutional Revision Referendum" and it should be considered as the Replica of the first sentence of Article 177. Therefore, this authority of the Supreme Leader does not extend to referendum subject to Article 59 of the Constitution.

Since “obvious crimes”, the subject of article 45 of the code of criminal procedure is just presented by examples and there is not any specific criterion for it, the officer cannot use that definition as a default principle in suspicious cases. Thus, on one hand, with reference to the application of privacy in verbal arguments, Imam Khomeini’s fatwa in his 8-article command, and by scrutinizing the content of articles 56 and 57, the default principle, in dealing with obvious crimes that are suspected to be contrary to the public safety and security, is not to be pursued and not to be reported. On the other hand, these crimes, either based on the criterion of “necessitating being public” are not considered obvious or based on the criterion of “visibility” in all places, are considered obvious but the law of obvious crimes will not apply to them. Therefore, the agents’ acts will be illegal and will be subject to acquiring evidence through illegal means.

The Islamic Consultative Assembly, on one hand, has the general legislative power in accordance with Article 71 of the [Iranian] Constitution, and on the other hand, under Article 110, Paragraph 4 of the Constitution the supreme command of the armed forces is entrusted to the Leader as commander-in-chief. In some cases, the Islamic Consultative Assembly enacts laws on matters related to the armed forces, which may not comply with the measures and orders issued by the commander-in-chief. This research, with a descriptive-analytical approach, examines the relationship between the general legislative competence of parliament and the requirements of the supreme command of the armed forces in the practice of the Guardian Council. The findings indicate that in the view of the Guardian Council, the competence of the commander-in-chief, as well as the sub-leadership of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, requires that all policy-making, monitoring and implementation in the armed forces be led by the Leader. In this regard, the Guardian Council believes that any change in the organization of the armed forces, appointment dismissal of commanders and officials, granting of authority or assignment to the armed forces, and policy-making for them without the authorization of the Leader, is unconstitutional. However, in some cases, the Guardian Council has acted contrary to its general practice. In this study such cases have also been examined.