The "uniforms of the Shiite clergy" has found a distinct and symbolic identity in our society. The question of the status and role of this uniform in the ethical activity of the clergy is the main concern of this article. based on the analytical-historical method, Recognition of the identity, functions, norms and ethical challenges of Clerical uniform, showed that Its symbolic and historical attribution to the Prophet of Islam (PBUH), its religious desirability and its symbolic identity - which implies the social role of the clergy and the communicative identity of this role - make it a religious and sacred garment, as it is known in popular culture of Shiite activists. "Prophet's clothing" and "messenger clothing" and religious messaging. Understanding the functions and customs, norms and moral challenges of wearing "Prophet's clothes" and "Messenger's clothes" are other results of this research.

With regard to the effective role of the clergy and cinema in the society, it is very important to understand and explain the relationship between them in its various dimensions. In this way, the issue of the representation of public attitudes to the clergy in Iranian cinema has been studied in this article. Hence, three related movies "Under the moon light", "Marmoulak", "Gold & Copper" were analyzed with Qualitative content analysis method. The results of this study show that there are three categories for public attitudes to the clergy in the samples: positive attitude, negative attitude, and the elements of attitude change (persuasion and Cognitive dissonance). The negative attitude to the clergy is represented frequently as prejudices and stereotypes. Main Themes represented in this field are summarized in these terms: Clergymen have achieved great power and wealth after the Islamic Revolution in Iran; instrumental usage of the cleric clothing by clergymen; Keeping out from the context of society; and clergymen are traditional.

Recently, a valuable document of the Kermanshah police during the reign of Reza Khan related to the years 1310 to 1315 was found, which is the identity card of the prosecuted people at that time.  Among the various individuals mentioned in this document are the names and images of a number of fighters opposed to Rezakhani's tyranny, most of whom were killed on his orders and by palace prison agents.  This article uses a descriptive-analytical method and refers to library sources to introduce,battles and finally the bitter fate of some of these people. In addition to the formal and content introduction of this document,this paper seeks to introduce the battles of some of these fighters.  The results of the research indicate the role of the revolutionary people of that time in various fields: some of these fighters, such as Sheikh Mohammad Taghi Behlool, dressed as clerics and defended the sanctity of Islamic values ​​such as  hijab.  Some of them were tribal elders like Naser Khan Qashqaei and Yousef Khan Amir Mojahed who had a long history of fighting against tyrannical governments such as Reza Khan. Some of them were writers and thinkers, such as Farrokhi Yazdi and Yahya Dolatabadi.  Among them, somebody like Sheikh Khazal Kaabi thought of his personal interests more than anything else and did not have intellectual stability in the fight against Reza Khan.

The turban, which was once a common male covering throughout the country, is one of the distinguishing features of Shiite religious scholars in Iran. The Pahlavi period is widely regarded as the time when turbans distinguished between clergy and commoners, but the origins of this distinction should be traced back further in time. This study explored the monopoly of turban as exclusive Shiite clerical dress. Thus, the main research question was: "In studying the historical trend of men's clothing, when and how was the turban recognized as a special Shiite clerical head covering in Iran, and when did it become a distinguishing feature of their clothing?” It was hypothesized that this distinction dates back to the Qajar era, when, despite the prevalence of other types of head coverings, the turban was seen as a distinguishing feature of Shiite clerical dress. The findings of this study, as a historical analysis, revealed that during the Qajar era, Shiite clerics, unlike the general public, stood against the powerful process of modernization by deviating from the court's propaganda and maintaining their traditional dress, including the turban, and by doing so, gave it a symbolic aspect.

The outfit of clergy in our society has been gradually given a symbolic identity and changed into a symptom. So it is considered as a significant referring to some significations. Being inspired by Saussure’s semiologic approach, the author of the article has endeavored to make the “synchronic” concept understood among people, groups and societies through the interpretation of its “diachronic” meaning in the three traditional, transformational and modern statuses of clergy in the contemporary Iran.The findings of research demonstrates that within the transverse coordinate and focusing on the level of religions and communities, the outfit of Shiite clergy is not the outfit of people who are mediator of God and human and in charge of grouping ceremonies and idolatries. Since In Islam against the other religions, there exist grouping idolatries with no obstacle and intermediary between God and human and within the longitudinal coordinate from Safavid until Islamic republic period, this outfit has been considered a political and cultural significant stating extensive revolutions in the relational pattern of Shiite clergy and people.

aying attention to security is one of the requirements of every state. The modernist state of First Pahlavi seriously considered social security from its own perspective. The aim of this research is to describe and analyze social security in the First Pahlavi era. The method is qualitative and historical-analytical one. By using written sources, this research deals with the question: Given the economic, social and cultural policies of First Pahlavi modernist state, how was social security in that era? The findings indicate that in the First Pahlavi era, the most significant task of modernist state, particularly police forces (Shahrbani), was to support absolute power of monarchy and preventing from every kind of political and social movements and legitimate freedoms. It was organized in a way that up-down policies and authoritarian measures of the regime could be implemented in social, economic and cultural dimensions, particularly weakening clergymen, uniform clothes, eliminating Islamic veils, anti-religion measures including destroying religious identity and culture, formal parliament, press censorship, property arrogation, horrible security organizations and so on, were not only the sources of fear and suffocation in society but also indicated the lack of social security in the First Pahlavi society.

The concept of livelihood culture from the perspective of the Qur'an shows the correct method of business and consumption for human beings and acquaints them with the Qur’anic teachings in this category. Since two groups of religious scholars and rulers are influential in the interest, corruption, and destiny of society, studying and explaining the model of livelihood and pursuing the reform of their behavior, based on the Qur’anic culture of livelihood, seems to be necessary. This article aims to extract what is necessary for business and consumption in the livelihood of religious scholars and rulers from Qur’an and Hadith and express the components of their livelihood culture so that it is possible to demand from them based on Qur’anic citations and narrations. When the preacher of religion wears the dress of a ruler of society and so the ruler is selected among the clergy, the importance of the issue is doubled and so his duties in affairs of livelihood would be much more. Therefore, this theoretical research, through a descriptive-analytical method, seeks to find the components of the livelihood culture of rulers and preachers and then examine the compatibility of these social groups.

Different views have been presented about the kind of interaction between the clerics and Islamic government. One of them is that the clerics are at the service of and subject to Islamic government and that it is incumbent on all people, including the clerics, to obey all its institutions as part of their religious duty towards the Islamic government. Another view is that Islamic government should be governed by the clerics and that in the Islamic government which is the conduct for implementing divine bounds it is the religious scholars and religious authorities who take this responsibility. According to this view, the Islamic government has to be headed by the clerics as religious leaders. Another view which principally rejects the idea of the relationship between religion and politics and distinguishes the presence and mission of the clerics form those of the government. Finally, there is a view that backs the idea of the relationship between religion and politics, but ignores the relationship between the clerics and government and stresses the idea of setting up an Islamic government but without the clerics. Each one of these views originates from the way its advocates perceive such things like the clerics and Islamic government, the relationship between religion and society, Islam and government, Islam and the clerics, the clerics and society, etc.Expounding the concepts and principles of the subject matter of this topic and investigating the different views about it, the present paper investigates and provides a model which is consistent with the political philosophy of Islam and identical to the political thought of Imam Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic system.

Since the Constitutional Movement, some intellectuals have posed two important objections for the presence of clerics in the sphere of the politics. Firstly, the main function of the clerics is the very understanding of religion and diffusing it; they have no function other than this and their entering the political scene would overshadow their main function. Secondly, when clerics are in power, they indulge in despotism. The present article criticizes such an approach, trying to defend the political nature of clerics and stressing on large numbers of democratic capacities among clerics by offering a novel theory.

The meaning of functional role of the clergy is how the clergy act their responsibility in the society. On this basis، the main question that arises in this research is that the role of the clergy in the Constitutional Movement and the Islamic Revolution correspond with which models of social revolution. In both occasions، control of revolution by the clergy was very strange and perhaps most important reason for the astonishment was the inability of theorists to predict the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Therefore، this article aiming to focus on four areas and to explain an analytical model to this relationship. Historical-comparative and analytical research method is used and the role of the clergy in Iran''s Constitutional Revolution and the Islamic Revolution are analyzed in a corresponding way by examining similarities and differences in the role of the clergy in the Constitutional Movement and the Islamic Revolution and then explain them down. To compare the role of the clergy in the Constitutional Movement and the Islamic Revolution، their capabilities and collective action divided into four main factors: the clerical leadership as a reference group، political jurisprudential thought of Marja’it، clerical organizational cohesion and the ability to mobilize people. The underlying assumption is that the role of the clergy in the Islamic Revolution in these areas has been more successful than their role in the Constitutional Movement and finally led to the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran under undisputed leadership of Imam Khomeini.