In the contemporary cultural world, the linkage between two influential issues, i.e power and culture is manifested mostly in the forms of cultural politics as well as cultural policy. The functional aftermath of these is nothing but determining the bio-social meaning and everyday actions, cultural representation and legitimizing everyday culture and ultimately organizing thought and cultural acts. Here we are also witnessing the formation of another noticeable domain of cultural policies that are centered around religion. This means a religious cultural policy that has resulted in a social pattern consisting of religious culture, religious politics, religious culture policies and religious policies in culture. In this sense religious culture politics especially in more religious sensitive societies or the ones with religious- oriented regimes (such as contemporary Iran) deal with a discourse that could be called popular culture. In this regard there are some questions about religious policies for the Iranian popular culture that need to be elaborated.1-Which discourse policies are pivotal?2-Which discourse subjects are more referred to?3-What are the ultimate discourses for these subjects?The article has provided answers for these within particular theoretical frameworks such as religious politics of identity- cultural resistance and its appropriate method and critical discourse analysis.

Iran is a multicultural country that encompasses various ethnic, lingual and religious groups. The purpose of this article is to show how does the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran deal with the issue of cultural diversity? We used the method of conforming theory with sample. Cultural citizenship theories are also used as a theoretical framework to analyze the solution. The most important finding of this study is that the Constitution of Iran provides a two-layer solution for the issue of socio-cultural diversity. The lower layer comprises cultural politics of centralism which, in turn, is the result of domination of Islamic, Shiite, Persian, and patriarchal culture. In contrast, the upper layer comprises a combination of politics of wide recognition (especially in language and ethnicity areas) and politics of narrow recognition (especially religion, women, and vulnerable social groups). Although the constitutional solution has similarity with modern culture citizenship, some citizens (including ethnic, religious and sexual minorities) do not consider the complete autonomy.

The main issue of the current research is the impact of modernity on the cultural policy structure of Iran. To answer this question, the beginning of modernization in Iran during the Qajar period is discussed and its effects on the cultural politics of the Qajar and Pahlavi periods are examined. Belonging to the modern world, Iran's intellectuals considered Iran to be lagging behind the caravan of civilization and considered the government to be responsible for creating the culture sector for the education of the people. Accordingly, the consensus of Iranian intellectuals and kings causes gradual changes in the cultural policy structure of Iran. In this research, two types of ideals of cultural policymaking for the two periods of pre-modern Iran and modern Iran have been introduced, which have been formulated in the form of a discourse. The local cultural policy discourse is formed around the central sign of "continuation of tradition" and operates with the focus of popular institutions. While the government's cultural policy discourse is formed around the central sign of "the same shape as the West" and operates with the focus of government organizations. Regarding the method, in this research, the necessary historical data was collected using the library-documentary method, then two types of cultural politics were mentioned using the typology of the ideal type and their internal connection and connection with the technique. Articulation is drawn.

In the new age of politics, culture and citizenship influenced by new media play a prominent role in the emergence of events.Traditional paradigms have generally been regarded by governments as major actors in the field of inter-nation relations, but in the modern era and in the cultural policy paradigm,by means of the media, the citizens theirelves act as an active participant in all everyday issues in the national and global arenas.The theoretical and practical foundations of the cultural belief paradigm are such that the functioning of the mass media has evolved more than any period in the history of their emersion.In this paradigm,cultural politics is signifying practices through which identities,relationships,and social rules are reinforced,transformed,or redefined. The present study,using the documentary-library method,seeks to answer the question of what are the cultural effects of modern media on the meaning and practice of new social movements? The research findings show that the media,in the age of the cultural policy paradigm,while changing and revolving around the citizens'cognitive foundations,has made public and universal issues a top priority and with decentralization of power and an increasing influence on the functioning of the political system and decision-makers,Citizens are more prominent in the political and social scene.

Memory politics is achieved through the application of cultural memory and is used for remembering. Symbols, Memorials, celebration, murals, posters, mourning rituals and scripts are called cultural memory and contribute into the reconstruction of the memory. Objects and public spaces have inherent potentials to represent cultural politics and thus can lend themselves into collective remembering; in this process though, some part of the historical past are left out in the discourse. Manipulated remembering includes forgetting. During the Pahlavi era, as well as Iranian post revolutionary governments, there was an instance on selective remembrance of the history which in return has caused memory obsessions. The forgetfulness that is situated in the narrative of the historical past creates a divide between meaning and identity making and challenges the face-off between social actors and governments. This matter renders them incapable of narrating their national selves and inflicts a cultural trauma on the society.

This article’s aim is to present a model for content analysis of cultural policies. By cultural policies, we refer to policies which are written and approved by the government. These policies are a basic for cultural management.This model should take the rationality of the cultural policies into consideration. In order to achieve this model, first of all we carried out a survey of the literature of the subject. During this, we conducted a survey of the effecting parameters on formation of the cultural policies, for example, definition of the culture, scope of the culture, social parameters of the culture, patterns of cultural policy making and different parts of cultural politics.All that we mentioned above plus responsible organization for fulfilling the policies and the field of cultural policy making finally form eight independent variables for content analysis of cultural policies. For each variable, the correspondence categories was chosen and exhibited during the study of the literature of the subject.

Ernest Mandel has distinguished three period in the history of capitalism: market capitalism, monopoly capitalism (imperialism) and late-capitalism (multi-national capitalism). Third period has particularities as so: dominance of multi-national corporation, globalization of markets and labor, mass consumption and expansion of space for multi-national and smooth flows of capital. Frederick Jameson based on this historico-periodical model has determined economic, cultural and aesthetic formulation of capitalism. There period of cultural transformation of capitalistic society is as so: realism, modernism, and post-modernism. Post-modernism is the culture of third age of machine or third industrial revolution in late-capitalism. Strong point of theory of economico-cultural rationality of historical formulations in Jameson's intellectual system is "globality" of his scale of analysis. However, specter of structuralism haunts his post-modern narrative of Marxism. Disability of Jameson in determining subject of resistance against destructive faces of late-capitalism, accompanies denying democratic possibilities and emancipatory dimensions of this new situation. Also in contrast with many Marxist traditions, this radical cultural politics cannot determine its relationship with problem of state and modern sovereign power.

Cultural politics regarding status of women is a common issue of Iranian society. Influenced by Prophet Mohammad's teachings in the Arab world, women's status changed rapidly and soon they gained a different social-cultural position in their society. This article, based on the reasoning of discourse aims to distinguish the social order governing the Arabian Peninsula focusing on its discourse order (introducing ignorance discourse and prophetic discourse). The research aims to find out what discourse propositions in the field of women did Prophet Mohammad produce as a ruler that improved the socio-cultural status of women. In doing so the research has made use of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Moffe method in analyzing the discourse based on "articulation".

The present article tries to show that Rorty''s philosophy has some moral message. To do so، we have to look at the contents of some of his books and in particular After Philosophy and The Mirror of Nature. The above-mentioned moral message may be، implicitly or explicitly، seen in his neo-pragmatist ideas and thoughts in the form of concepts and terms such as «solidarity»، «democracy»، and «cultural politics». In many places، of course، Rorty expresses this message in literary language and in particular through novelists. The present study، of course، is not intended to prove that، like Kant، Rorty has some philosophy of morality; since he is one of the stubborn critics of Kantian morality. Rorty''s neo-pragmatist and critical approach to Kantian morality is influenced by pragmatism of Dewey، James and Levinas'' philosophy.

Cultivating intellectual powers and strengthening critical thinking are essential to human excellence and are of interest to thinkers and policymakers of different societies. Therefore, the present study aims to examine the place of critical thinking in postmodern educational ideas. A descriptive-analytical method has been used to achieve this goal. The scope of the research was all the documents and sources related to post-modernism, and the analysis and investigation were carried out in a targeted and selective manner until the theoretical saturation was reached, and the data collection was done in the form of documents. The research results show that postmodernists emphasize critical and democratic citizen training in educational goals and critical dialogue in teaching methods. From their point of view, learning is collaborative the relationship between teacher and student is horizontal, and the curriculum includes issues related to knowledge and power, identity, cultural politics, social criticism, and rereading of texts and narratives.