The aim of the present study is to elucidate the constituent elements of political identity from the perspective of Nahj al-Balagha. Political identity is one of the most important components of forming a political system and distinguishing the political agency of "us" from "others." Philosophically, identity does not inherently exist but is constructed as the basis for action and behavior. However, politically, identity distinguishes "us" from "others." Political identity involves answering two critical questions: Who am I? and Who am I not? The answers to these questions lead to the differentiation between our identities. With the passing of the Prophet (PBUH) and the beginning of the era of the three caliphs, the foundations of divine political identity were marginalized. However, with the advent of the rule of Imam Ali (AS), through his struggles, the foundations of divine political identity were once again incorporated into his political and governmental framework. Therefore, the study of divine political identity necessitates understanding its constituent elements from the perspective of Nahj al-Balagha. This research, focusing on the importance of political identity, seeks to answer the question: What are the constituent elements of political identity from the perspective of Nahj al-Balagha? The research method is descriptive-analytical, analyzing the content of Nahj al-Balagha's themes. The results indicate that selflessness, duty orientation, opposition to oppression, people's participation, and justice are the main elements considered by Nahj al-Balagha. The implications of employing these elements in the Alawi political system include emphasizing the derivation of power from the eternal divine source, the inseparability of rights and duties in the political system, confronting any form of oppression, relying on the votes and opinions of the people, and implementing complete justice at its highest levels. Therefore, the rulers of the Islamic community must, in line with preserving the Islamic identity of society, emphasize these elements and earnestly endeavor to raise awareness and expand them throughout society so that society becomes increasingly closer to the desired ideals and Islamic values. This path will be accessible through proper political inclusiveness and a step-by-step process, with the design of a clear and precise framework by committed elites and experts.

The political identity is one of the most important problem involving in organizing the governments and creating nations. As, Ferdousi’s Shahname among our ancient texts has the basic function in forming Iranian identity, the way that it is considered and its effect on political identity has an important role. Concerning this subject, the writer has tried to look for the factors organizing and strengthening the social and political identity of Iran. The hypothesis of this research has been designed to answer this question and the elements such as government, social classe - forming political, frontiers and social life equipments have been studied as the indicators of forming and strengthening the political identity of Iran. At the end the writer concludes that Ferdousi has established what ever that was required to form the political and social independent identity of a nation consciously through myths in mythic part of Shahname.

In recent decades the issue of «identity» has gained considerable importanc in social science studies، especially in the field of the Iranian political geography. Some experts argue that the factors affecting this growing process are affected by political، social، economic، regional and global changes، while others consider the existence of modern perspectives and attitudes especially in the field of post-modern thought as the cause of increasing interest in this issue. Certainly، internal factors، especially the Islamic Revolution and its consequences together with regional and global factors have led to more attention to the issue of identity. Meanwhile، ethnic identity has a special place، as Iranian society is composed of different ethnic groups that، throughout history، have contributed to maturity، survival، and sustainablity of Iranian civilization، and despite many ups and downs، have been able to maintain the political life of this country in different ways. In Iran، like other countries composed of ethnic groups، the issues of ethnic identity have been integrated into issues related to national unity and security of the country. In that، because، on the one hand، ethnic identities can play an effective role in the national unity of the country، and on the other hand، they are able to substitute the idea of separatism and disintegration with that of national unity and security by placing their growing expectations and demand. one of the collective identities studied in political geography is “political identity”. According to some، factors such as common history، common interests and shared political fate are some of the factors forming political identity. Studying political identity or political aspects of Kurdish identity requires analysis of the components of political identity among the Kurds. The key question is: “what is the political identity of Kurds and which factors affect their political identity?” According to the main hypothesis of the present study، due to familiarity with new knowledge sources and different local experiences، the Kurds have a fluid political identity. This research is an applied research conducted through library method and descriptive - analytical approach. In the present study، using documents، it has been tried to determine how components such as common history، common interests and shared political fate form Kurdish political identity. The most important element in this regard is investigating «ethnic nationalism» and «inter- and intra-ethnic political conflicts». The results show two basic elements of such movements، namely «seeking help from foreigners» and «internal demands»، while they are in contrast with Kurd ethnic identity but affected by ethnic relations and ethnic identities. Activity of Kurds and Kurdish parties after the Islamic Revolution so far also implies that how these activities have affected political identity of Iranian Kurd people. Based on the research conducted about political identify foundations of the Iranian Kurds، it can be atgued that: first، «ethnic identity» foundations of Iranian Kurds affect their “political identity” because of the associations of their historical roots with Iran and the Iranians history، based on the elements of territory، race / ethnicity، religion، language، customs / traditions، and beliefs / values; second، the study of the foundations of «political identity» of Kurds in Iran indicates that common interests of the Kurds in political areas date back to Kurds’ contemporary history because dividing Kurdish regions among Iran، Turkey، Iraq and Syria have created another fate for the Kurds، dividing Aryan race and Iranian Kurds with Kurdish language and Islamic religion and Shiite religion / Sunnis among the four Countries. Since then، the shared interests among the Kurds within and out of the country and political common fate that have kept them away from each other can be traced as two issues of ethnic nationalism and political conflicts: firstly، Kurd ethnic nationalism in Iran reflects the political diversity in political domain. That is، they are not in complete agreement with both national identity and the official discourse of nationalism in the country. Second، the identity foundations of Kurds and their political performance in recent one hundred years reflect two types of political conflict in the Kurdish region of Iran: first، «intra-ethnic conflict» based on power acquisition or competition among the different Kurd tribes. In these types of conflicts، the behaviors، norms، attitudes and positions of Kurds are mostly affected by the foundations of ethnic identity، structure of ethnic relations and tribal policies governing Kurdish region، such as the impact of tribal politics on performance «SEMCO». Second، «inter-ethnic conflicts» which were first based on preservation of the internal influence of tribes، and later were based on autonomy acquisition or independence. In this group of disputes، the dual elements namely «seeking help from foreigners» and «domestic demand» are important forces of the “political identity of the Kurds” within the triple elements of «common history»، «common interests» and «common political destiny». After the events following the Islamic Revolution، and by increasing the level of education، we witness the gradual increase in political consciousness of Kurds، and the performance of “ethnicity-based nationalism «without» tribal culture«among the Kurds. The Kurds’ political relations are influenced by party relationships and political groupings. Previous experience shows that whenever the central government enjoys a high level of power، it has been able to exert political power on all areas and، in contrats، every time this government is weak، different ethnic groups have upraised in different parts of Iran. In all of these events، due to the promotion of education and assignment of Kurd educated leaders we witness the removal of tribal relationships and emergence of party relationships with ethnic culture combined with some form of ethnic consciousness to gain autonomy. Of course، one can not speak about the political identity of Kurds because there is a long way to the formation of a Kurdish political community forming Kurdish political identity. However، it can be argued that awareness of the fate of the Kurdish political fate that often evokes their innocence، leads to common feeling among the Kurds so that they are demanding common interests trying to get rid of victimization.

Political identity is one of the important dimensions of national identity in any society, and strengthening and weakening it plays a decisive role in strengthening or weakening national identity. Growth and development in different countries depend on the sustainable development of those countries, so achieving sustainable development requires planning in each It is economic, political, social, cultural and human. Human beings are one of the components of sustainable development in the center of attention and need education. Given that education is also a component of sustainable development, then education in general and education in particular can play an effective role in sustainable development. Education as the most fundamental institution in society is the main and undoubted condition for the comprehensive development of the country. This study was conducted in 2019 with the aim of influencing education on strengthening the political identity of students with the aim of achieving sustainable development in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Using the available sampling method, 384 female teachers and education planners were selected as the sample. The results showed that education is effective in strengthening political identity and leads to sustainable development and there is a positive and significant relationship between education and political identity and sustainable development. Based on the results, the greatest impact on political identity on development It is sustainable and least concerned with the impact of educational methods on sustainable development through political identity. Overall, 62% of the changes explain sustainable development.

Islamic revolution and imposed war, undoubtedly, were effective factors in forming new political identity among Iranian people. The purpose of this research is implying development process and forming of new identity among Iranian people inthe first decade of revolution from the constructivism theory view and mentioning this subject that what changes make the imposed war renew political identity of Iranian society. Method of this research is descriptive-analytic.What does really make new political identities possible?According to the constructivism outlook, new ideology in every era make possibility of changing the kind of identity and the result of this identity changing is a convergence in interests and policies. According to the forging of Identity, Iran has been changed and she has taken the special form in different eras.In sum, this fact should be stressed that in the light of a new construct, the imposed war brought about new identities among Iranian people. The new construct deepened in turn spiritualism, martyrdom obtainment, non-obedience attitude against enemies, combating against arrogant poles and self- reliance resulting in the formation of new identity among the people.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the components of political socialization have been represented through the school-textbooks in Iran. In terms of research data and method, the research results presented and discussed in this paper are based on the method of content analysis on the revisited textbooks of Sociology in the high-school level. Using William Scott's method, the components of political socialization have been measured by the representation of major terms including republicanism, tolerance, political legitimacy, political identity, critical pedagogy, social justice, political values of the Islamic revolution, economics, and good governance. According to the research findings of this analysis, three main patterns can be addressed: First, the most visible components of political socialization represented in the textbooks are the religious-political identity and political values of the Islamic Revolution, which have been inspired through the otherness and ideological critique of the Western political identities. Second, the textbooks are overwhelmingly allocated to represent the political and ideological elements of the Islamic Revolution of Iran; an approach which have neglected the elements of good governance and republicanism. Finally, the underlying conclusion of these research findings refers to the fact that the political values of the Islamic Revolution have been more significantly represented in the textbooks that its social and economic values.

What is postmodernism? Can we discuses about new feature of political identity in postmodern condition? Is postmodern thought challenge the modern paradigms of identity? How the carrier of postmodern thought with identity dilemma in late modernity period? Can we imagine positive and constructive vein in postmodern movement? Postmodernism is a trend that has two faces. In the face, postmodernism see as a negative and destructive phenomenon that disrupts current established identities; such as nationalism, collective identity or transnational one. But in a positive and affirmative view, postmodernism is a trend that creates a new framework of political identity. In this outlook assert that postmodenism in a final analysis is a constructive scheme. In this article the author tries to describe characteristics of political identity of postmodernism from an affirmative outlook.

Based on Foucault’s viewpoint, Power dominates all mechanisms of social exchange and it is linked to truth. Power in every society or period produces certain discourses as truth. According to Foucault's holistic plan for power, it is power that monitors, tames, normalizes, and identifies the human.The process of power, including discourse power, Bio power, and disciplinary discourse (Genealogy), monitors the least detailed subject’s behavior. Also, there are discourses in the time and place that create conflict atmosphere and semantic disputes (Archeology). Meanwhile, this study duo to the infrastructures, signifiers, and discursive functions, especially power discourse analyzes and compares the two texts to understand how power discourse and its proportions produce and the role of man. The research method is descriptive and comparative which are indicating that in the story of Goshtasp the dominant discourses are religious-political identities, political identities, and Iranian king identity. On the other hand, in the Nibelungen Song there are religious - political identity, political identities, German king identities and class identity. In conclusion, the religious - political identity discourse with two signifiers (holy and magic), have found a dominance and influence on the others discourse identity. Goshtasp and Kriemhilde are not normalized by power, but they are the powerful and knowledgeable characters, and combine the ideas of other characters with their own. Esfandiari and Siegfried were not normalized by power relation, but they adjust to the prevailing relations later.

Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution and the hostage crisis, a new entity, that is the United States as an enemy, became one of the most revealing and consolidating aspects of the political identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran's establishment. With a focus on the role of political identity, this article seeks to answer the question why the Islamic Republic of Iran still insists on not having relations with the United States and refuses to make compromises with it despite all the US-led structural pressure now that four decades have passed since the victory of the revolution. The views of political realists have been used to answer this question. Political realists maintain that the friend-enemy distinction is the essence and core tenet of politics. They also argue that the strong and innate need of groups and entities to maintain a political identity rather than a structure or a desire for power underlies this distinction and emphasize the need to keep a distance from the enemy in order to survive and pursue own objectives.

The present study has been conducted with the aim of offering a sociological examination and explanation of the discourse of political identity in Iran after the revolution. Therefore, the concept of political identity has been the focus of the investigation, and its semantic transformations has first been studied in the macro semantic spectrum of the Islamic Revolution, and then in the two discourses of reformist and conservative parties in the framework of intra and inter-textual analysis according to discourse theory and using critical discourse analysis in six historically important and influential junctures during these years. Subsequently, as a way of extra-textual analysis, the historical, economic, political and cultural context of each period has been examined. Finally, this analysis and explanation have depicted a series of final typologies regarding the topic, mainly being: The desired political identity of the legal positivist liberal subject, the democratic anti-tyranny subject, the religious justice-seeking subject, the revolutionary obligation-centered subject, the populist anti-abuse subject, the moderate, justice-oriented critic subject