نشریه سیاست متعالیه
پیاپی 27 (زمستان 1398)

The objective of the current study is to analyze theories in the field of “national interest” by the Qur’anic approach. In this regard and using descriptive analysis, the national interest from the perspective of realism, idealism, and Islam was explored. The results indicated that Islam does not reject worldly interests, but rather it logically acknowledges the efforts to achieve them. However, what is refused in the Qur’an is to limit the interests to be exclusively materialistic or permissible through any means. The Qur’an does not give credit to the current classification of nationality and ethnicity among people and refutes any superiority or priority in that term. Yet it not only recognizes nations and various ethnic groups as an undeniable reality but also deems this distinction among people in terms of nationality and ethnicity as necessary for their identification. Paying attention to the national interests in the foreign policy of a country and its political, economic, and cultural relations with other countries is not erroneous from the view of the Qur’an. However, the national interest of a country does not denote violation against others’ interests or refusing their rights.

The present study seeks to answer if Sadraii Theosophy is eligible for political doctrine and if there is such a concept as transcendent political theosophy. In order to answer the above questions, two viewpoints for and against the feasibility of political wisdom were classified. The results of this research study conducted by descriptive analysis shows that infeasibility in a sense and also feasibility in some aspects of political wisdom in transcendent theosophy are both truly acceptable. The infeasibility of political wisdom in the sense of infeasibility of political arguments and political philosophy in the works of Mulla Sadra is rejected because even those who believe in the theory of decline admit that Mulla Sadra has briefly mentioned some political arguments and it is not merely the repetition of former thoughts although he has made use of previous works. Therefore, the infeasibility of political wisdom in the sense of the infeasibility of inferring principles of politics and political philosophy from transcendent theosophy is admitted because we cannot conclude certain political tenets and viewpoints based on mere metaphysical principles, but rather they are not exclusively compatible with certain time, place, and condition. Hence, feasibility in its first sense, that is to say having political arguments in the works of Mulla Sadra is accepted. Yet, feasibility in its second sense, that is the potential of transcendent theosophy to infer a comprehensive political philosophy is admitted only when it is proved that certain philosophical principles are associated with a special political system; otherwise, two or more contradictory political philosophies might be extracted from identical principles.

This project was aimed at explaining the Islamic government foundations in Iranian Islamic progress patterns from Khamenei's viewpoint. With this regard, respected data accumulated from Khamenei's speech was analyzed through a rational methodology and in a descriptive-analytical way. Results demonstrated that from this point of view the foundation of an Islamic Government could be delivered into two different groups including conceptual and conformational. That is to say, conceptual foundations would monitor the lexical definition and terminology attached to the patterns of Islamic Iranian progress and the interpretation of the Islamic Government nature. From this perspective, the government equals to a tool in lieu of a goal, a trustee instead of a conquest, and moreover, it is assigned for service not to accumulating power and wealth. It also means responsibility and Vilayat not monarchy. The conformational foundations are also divided into two concepts of near and far. Far foundations represent: ontological, epistemological, anthropology, and cognitive methodology. Whereas, near foundations represent moral sense, justice, wisdom, legalism, the rejection of dominant system, endogenous, and being extravagant.

The paper attempts to firstly review the relation between ethics and politics and, secondly, political morality from the perspective of the discriminating wise. To this end, in the first step, key and innovative concepts in the political thought of this thinker of the Qajar era were explained, including the discursive and diffused attitude of the concept of Khalifa al-wa'ah and Zahllah. In the following, a new discriminatory discovery was made of the tripartite trustees of the government, whose basis for dividing it into a kind of observation of his view of the realm of politics and the relationship between religion and ethics. The ethical requirements of the behavior of rulers in three areas of relationship with God, himself and the people were differently expressed and the moral requirements of the behavior of ministers in addition to the three areas mentioned in two areas of communication with the ruler and the relationship between the people and the ruler was also explained. One of the main findings of the article is that the discovery does not only perceive the nature and power of power, but firstly believes that power is intrinsically neutral but very effective and effective.

The purpose of the present study is to survey notable theories in the realm of Islamic state-building using the conceptual method and native-optimal model. In this regard and using descriptive analysis, historical and evolutionary development of Islamic state, as well as the state-building models of Mirza Muhammad Hussein Naiini, Mohaqeq Korki, Shahid Sadr, Sheikh Fazl ol-Lah Nouri, and Seyed Hussein Nasr were analyzed. Moreover, the state-building model of Islamic revolution in the ideology of Imam Khumaini, Imam Khamenii, and Shahid Mutahhari were studied. The results revealed that sate-building relies on rules and regulations which are merely credential in the secular model of sates; while, in the Towhidi model, they are a combination of credentials and Islamic-religious juridical principles. Hence, the Islamic model of state-building which relies on Towhid (monotheism) is in contrast with the western model in many criteria. Islamic state-building can be classified into two levels of supreme and generic. In the supreme level, the Islamic state is established by an Infallible Imam and develops under his prudence; however, in the generic level, the Islamic state is founded by a just and sagacious jurist and then it is promoted by the thoughts of other jurists. The commonality of the two above-mentioned levels can be attributed to their shared and stable foundations which are based on monotheist ration and juristic principles.

The objective of the present study is to survey ontological fundaments of the political theory of Wilayat al-Faqih (guardianship of the Islamic jurist) and to determine the epistemological networks existing in Shi’ite ideology. The results of the research conducted by descriptive analysis indicate that the arguments for the necessity of Wilayat al-Faqih would not be comprehensive and sufficient unless we consider the place of human being in this world, the existence of other worlds, and also the necessity of human perfection through the system of creation. This ideology is explained in this article by explicitly rational as well as implicitly-explicitly traditional-rational arguments. The above ideology has led to the determination of the theoretical fundaments of Wilayat al-Faqih in philosophical and wisdom books. Although the issue of Wilayat al-Faqih like many other issues can be studied from Fiqhi (juristic) and Kalami (philosophical) aspect, its philosophical aspect is more dominant so that it can be regarded as a totally theological issue related to one’s ideology and juristic beliefs.

The purpose of the current study is to survey economic security and economic freedom in Islamic economics. The results of this research which was conducted using the argument of Sabr and Taqsim and the theory of Estikhdam (employment) based on Qur’anic verses and Hadith show that there is a transcendental correlation between economic security and economic freedom in Islamic economics; and prioritizing one over another may lead to injustice as well as an unfair unilateral employment in society that on the one hand threatens the essence of economic security and economic liberty, and on the other hand, endangers the transcendental movement in society. Therefore, the assumption of correlation between economic security and economic freedom is proved in which no violation against individual, national, religious, and public right occurs and there is justice-based balance in social relations that is transcendental.

The present study aims to determine contributing factors effective on the formation of Takfiri groups, their approach to suicide operation, as well as the analysis of their false perception of Qur’anic verses and Hadith on the concept of Jihad and defense. The results of this research conducted by inferential-analytical method reveal that Takfiri movements by their extremist Akhbari tendencies and reliance on superficial and selective interpretations accuse others to heresy and bid’ah. They extend the circle of Takfir to all humans including Muslims due to their shallow perceptions so they commit the violent murder of innocent people neglecting the principles of Jihad, defense, and martyrdom whereas such misconducts are not compatible with the soul of Islam. However, suicide mission has been regarded permissible under some specific conditions because it relies on religious and ethical criteria in terms of defending Islamic foundation against violators.

The current study seeks to investigate different theories on bureaucracy to determine their pros and cons. Considering the background of bureaucracy in the history of Iran and Islamic revolution, this article discussed that which type of bureaucracy is more compatible with ethical and cultural models relying on revolution as well as developmental criteria in the country. The theory of developed bureaucracy proposed in this article attempted to serve significant assistance to political economy and development in accordance with Islamic-Iranian models. Furthermore, with an interactive approach to development theories, correlation between dependence and bureaucracy as well as political, economic, and management viewpoints, it was tried to determine the complexities of bilateral impacts of bureaucracy and development. The results of the study showed that negative perceptions and inefficiencies have institutionalized many negative beliefs about bureaucracy. Therefore, we should replace it with by practical reform toward development so that bureaucracy give service to the development of society rather than society giving service to the development of bureaucracy. Efficient bureaucratic system in society can be achieved by paying attention to the ethical and moral aspects in human being.

The objective of the present study is to survey the criteria of optimal factionalism to promote active political participation in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Using Ijtihadi method (independent reasoning of a jurist’s mental faculty) and the literature review of the works of Allameh Naiini, this research explains the indices of efficient political parties. The results showed that factionalism and political institutionalization is a state which displays existing events in society. In its positive concept, this notion has been used by Muslims in their good competitions and charity festivals. With regard to the expansion of industrialization, mass media, and middle class in society, it is necessary to attract institutionalized public participation through political parties. In order to consolidate optimal condition for factionalism, it is essential to foster political equality, political freedom, political competition, accurate election system, and also instituniolize needed organizations, party membership, code of conduct, financial supporting, and also avoid issues such as Iron Law of Oligarchy, monopolization, violation of codes, and dependence to the foreigners. Iranian society needs factionalism to encourage public and peaceful participation, and any delay or negligence in this process may lead to non-peaceful activities in the country.

The main objective of the current study is to explain the performance of national media in political efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the ideas of Imam Khumaini from the perspective of Iranian academics. This research was conducted by descriptive-explanatory method, survey analysis, and field research using questionnaire instrument. Using Morgan table, 326 members were randomly chosen from among 1960 professors as well as MA and PhD students in political and social science from the university of Tehran, Shahid Beheshti, Ferdowsi, Mazandaran, Beqir al-Ulum-e Qom, and Shahid Bahunar-e Kerman. The collected data was analyzed using SPSS and the results showed that only 58.6% of the academics in the country was satisfied with the performance of national media in terms of its cultural and social accordance with the ideas of Imam Khumaini. The results also indicated that 59.6% of the academics had satisfaction with the performance of national media in terms of educating the ideas of Imam Khumaini. Total results displayed that the academics think only 14.3% of the commands of Imam Khumaini has been considered by the national media. The research results showed no significant difference between male and female participants regarding their answers to the questionnaire.

The purpose of the present study is to survey the ideas of Allameh Muhammad Hussein Kashif al-Ghita’ about various aspects of the subject of Palestine and guidelines to resolve that issue. The results of the research conducted by descriptive-analytical method based on discourse analysis reveals that Kashif al-Ghita’ had delved deep into the catastrophe in Palestine by giving his historical speech in Jerusalem, participation in conferences, writing articles, and giving fatwa about putting a ban on selling lands to the Jews. In his view, the issue of Palestine has historical, religious, social, and international aspects and it has been a historical land for the Arabs so they defend it as their ancestral homeland. In religious geography, Kashif al-Ghita’ considered Palestine as the heart of Muslim world, and Jerusalem as the trust of God in the hand of Muslims which should be maintained. In his opinion, Zionism is the result of colonialism. He held that the resolution to the issue of Palestine depends on international attention to human right in that country, Islamic revival. Return to Islamic identity, Islamic unity, coalition among Arabic-Islamic governments, and rejecting colonialism.

The present study aims to survey the failure of Morsi’s Islamist government and the political causes effective in his fall. Herman Kahn’s model in the theory of Crisis Cube is used for the analytical purposes in this article. According to the above model, the failure of Islamic awakening and non-fulfillment of revolutionary purposes in Egypt are regarded as a crisis condition threatening Islamic regeneration and so the ways to exit this crisis in terms of essence, background, causes, and the guidelines of Islamic Republic of Iran to encounter this crisis are researched. The results of this descriptive-analytical study showed that the most important political causes for the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood government led by Morsi can be attributed to the following factors: Ideological conflicts and competitions among Copts, Sufis, and Salafis during revolution; lack of strong leadership in the revolution and that the Muslim Brotherhood did not have a good performance in guiding people and the organization joined at-Tahrir in Cairo 3 days after people’s uprising, over-reliance on military men and not changing the military officials who had power under Hunsi Mubarak’s government, lack of political-social support by al-Azhar University to Morsi’s revolutionary government, the incapability of Morsi to institutionalize and sustain structures founded by Mubarak, and finally the interference of foreign powers such the US, Israel, and Saudi Arabia in Egyptian affairs. In addition to the abovementioned factors, the fragile results of the election in which Morsi received only 51% of votes facilitated the military coup detat. The election results revealed that Morsi was not a representative for the majority of people and that his purposes were not identical with what society wanted. Furthermore, Morsi had little time to confront the challenges threatening his government and it led to the crisis for his government.