فصلنامه شیعه شناسی
پیاپی 71 (پاییز 1399)

Since the formation of the first and the last Muslim government in the south of Indian Peninsula (Deccan) – i.e. Bahmanids (748-934 AH) and Asefjahids (1137-1368 AH) – that region was the center of Iranian and Shi’a culture. The Asefiya dynasty was the last Shi’a government who ruled in Deccan for about 234 years (1133-1368) and diffused the Iranian-Shi’a culture in the south Indian Peninsula. Mir Qamaruddin Asefjah, the head of Nawwab dynasty, and Mir Uthman Alikhan the seventh Asefjah, known as “seventh Nezam”, were the last ones. Most Asefjahids were interested in Iranian-Shi’a culture and would compose Farsi poems, leaving collections of those poems. Besides, they made much effort to preserve and exert Shi’a rites. An investigation of Asefjahids’ role in preserving and diffusing Iranian-Shi’a culture is the basic task pursued in this article. The research method in this article for achieving a logical and scientific answer is selecting written sources, and then reviewing, exploring and analyzing them. This study aims at investigating how the Iranian-Shi’a culture infiltrated that government’s court and how it spread in the land under their dominance. The findings show that Asefjahids’ attention, interest and support were important factors in preserving and diffusing Iranian-Shi’a culture in the south of Indian Peninsula.

This study aims at explaining the capacities of geographical critique in studying the effect of Karbala’s climate in formation of artistic works. Space-time and reference are among the theoretical principles of this type of critique. Reference also refers to the relationship between the real space and its representation in artistic and literary works. Stratigraphy is also one of the principles of its methodology, which considers space as composed of various layers, and extracts the layers formed throughout time from the depths of oblivion to study the space. The main goal of the study is discovering the degree of reference and imaginary nature of Karbala’s climate described in drawings. Is Karbala’s climate in drawings in interaction with what is in reality? Has the artist made use of the capacities of the layers forming the climate to give identity to the space and the artist? This study is a developmental-promotive one as far as the goal is concerned, and uses an inductive and descriptive-analytical method to achieve its goal. The results show that the relationship between Karbala’s climate and its representation is a homotypic consensus, but the artist uses his imagination and, in some works, uses multi-locational incorporation to create a climate that reveals a dialectic relationship between the real and the imaginary space.

The question of how Imam Reza entered and then settled in Marv, the capital of Islamic caliphate under Abbasid Ma’mun, has raised various hypotheses, specifically centered around some of the important personages of that era. Fazl bin Sahl, surnamed Zhur-Riyasatayn (literally: owning two presidencies), has been mentioned variously with different or even paradoxical analyses regarding Imam’s vicegerency and other important issues. It seems that to achieve a comprehensive and logical comprehension of issues related to Imam Reza, Ma’mun and his court, it is necessary to scrutinize Dhur-Riyasatayn’s thoughts and actions regarding Imam Reza. The present study attempts to use a descriptive-analytical approach and the method of historical study to investigate the role of this powerful vizier of Ma’mun regarding Ma’mun’s relation with Imam Reza. The findings of the study show that Dhur-Riyasatayn had a tremendous influence on Ma’mun, while he himself was influenced by Ma’mun in his relation to Imam, and tried to strengthen his position by approximating his thoughts and decisions to caliph. Fazl, as an authoritative vizier, could manage to dominate Imam, while there is no certain evidence for his being sincere to Imam.

Establishment of Alawids’ government was the most important event after the entrance of Islam into Tabaristan province in Iran. Applying Charles Tilly’s theory of collective action, which deals with revolutions and social movements, is effective in offering a new reading of that movement. In the present study, we use library sources and a descriptive-analytical method to analyze Alawids’ movement with a look at Tilly’s theory. The main question of the article is as follows: “What dimensions of that movement does applying Tilly’s theory reveal?” It seems that Alawids sought the following three goals by that movement: (a) surviving, (b) achieving political power, and (c) diffusing Shi’a tenets. Accordingly, after seizing power, in view of the common religious identity of the people and the local rulers, an organization with a military and religious nature was established. Mobilization of interests by Alawid leaders was in an aggressive and preparatory form and had an obligatory and normative nature. The element of power in that movement was in mutually contrasting form (Sunni caliphate/ Shi’a government). The most important opportunities for the leaders of the movement were as follows: creating a common religious identity, making use of the military power of the local rulers, and using public capacities. Samanids and Kinkharids were the most threatening factors for Alawids and pursued a suppressing policy. The Alawids’ collective action was rivalry and modernist, and was formed on the basis of the dichotomy of insider-outsider.

Imamyya community in the third century A.H., influenced by the narrative and social heritage of the previous Imams and the challenges in Samerra, faced many difficulties in introducing and accepting Imamate. Part of those difficulties must be seen in social classification, people’s access to Imams in Samerra, and the intellectual level of the citizens in Imamyya community. The difference between individuals regarding the mechanism of recognizing Imam and the type of belief in him created at least three styles for identifying Imam in that period. Perception of the structure and knowing that concept in the context of Imamyya community are dealt with in this article. The research method is a doctrinal, social and political analysis of the historical-traditional data in the earlier centuries according to the theory of social typology. The findings support a variety in the mechanism of recognizing Imam among Imamyya people, and highlight the political looks, religious beliefs and social backgrounds in this method of recognizing Imam. Three groups, i.e. ‘political Imamyya’ – confirming Imam Hassan’s status by the Abbasid court – ‘popular Imamyya’ – by referring to Imam and observing his grandeur – and ‘text-oriented Imamyya’ – by their orientation towards the texts – formed, together, the geometry of Imamyya community in Imam Hassan Askari’s era.

Fatimids (297-567 AH) were the Shi’a caliphs who, after a period of organizational secret activities by the Isma’ili Da’wa organization, made use of the capacities existing among Berber tribes in north Africa to establish a state, conquering Egypt and founding Cairo, and revealing their perspective in progressing and conquering the Islamic East, rivaling with Abbasid caliphate. This Shi’a minority could manage to dominate a vast region of Islamic lands with Sunni and Dhemmi inhabitants for more than two and a half century. In some eras, such as the first caliphate period in Egypt, they had a high popularity and authority as well. We know that the successes of Fatimid government in controlling and managing the country’s affairs were the result of their social approach and policies. One of the Fatimid’s social policies was their interaction with tribes and their use of tribal capacities of Maghrib and Egypt. The Kutama Berber tribe was the most important and the greatest supporter of Fatimids in periods of Da’wa and establishment of the government. The main question of this article is as follows: “What was the role of this tribe in establishing the government and ultimate result of the activity of this tribe in Egyptian government?” The finding of this study is that Kutama tribe in Da’wa period, especially since the presence of the Shi’a Abu Abdullah in Maghrib, was the main supporter of the Fatimid government. This role was continuous during the whole period of Maghrib and the early years of caliphate in Egypt until it was weakened under Abdul Aziz with the entrance of other tribes, especially Mushariqa, and it vanished after the entrance of Badr al-Jamali into Cairo, when Kutama tribe turned into an ordinary tribe.