Islamic Political Thoughts
Volume:10 Issue: 1, Spring 2023

The main concern of this article is to explain political thought of Mohammad Ismail Mahallati within a conceptual and methodological approach and the application of the theory of constitutional government in the analysis of the interaction between religion and government. The main question of this article is how Mahallati finds the crisis of the political order in the Qajar period and what ideal prescription does he offer to get out of it? In this regard, the author by descriptive-analytical method, uses the theoretical framework of Thomas Spragens in the book “Understanding Political Theory “to explain the hypothesis of the article. The crisis of tyranny arising from the disregard for the necessities of the Shari'a forms the main hypothesis of the text, and in such historical circumstances the political thought of Mahallati has matured. Mahallati believes the ideal model is Imams government, so, due to a realistic view in the absence of Imams, the solution in anti-authoritarianism in building power is reforming the government based on reducing the authoritarian rule and establishing a constitutional government.

Today, one of the most serious threats have engulfed a large portion of the Middle East is the emergence of the Sunni Muslim extremist group, known as ISIS (Daesh). After capturing a sizeable territory in Iraq and Syria, the group changed its name to Islamic State (IS). This text is geared towards discussing or describing the identification of ISIS in the age of globalization. ISIS at a limited national and regional level (compared to global level of Al-Qaeda) tries to build its identity via radical Islamic ideology, in a globalized world and identity crisis era. The weakening and in some cases breakdown of the political infrastructures such as Iraq and Syria often leads to a narrowing of identity and social solidarity away from national and towards sectarian, ethnic, and kin-based(however fictive) relations. In such a situation the dynamics of identity construction shift away from "project" towards "resistance" identities. If we take to account fundamentalist as a response to the identity crisis and also a solution to save its believers against the unsatisfied conditions of modern age, ISIS extended its ideology well through the region via protest against the unsatisfied conditions of the region. Findings of the research show that beside the similarities between ISIS and other Islamic extremist groups such as emphasizing on salafi ideology, work for founding Islamic Emirate or Caliphate based on Sharia law, extremist interpretations of Islamic religion, Jihadist and Takfiri vision, and believing in suicide tactics and dying for victory, ISIS's main goal is Jihad against Shiites (Near Enemy) and this may be the main difference between them that causes different kinds of behaviors. Other differences are different ideological roots, emphasizing on Jihad or Takfir by Al-Qaeda and ISIS respectively, giving priority to far enemy by Al-Qaeda and to near enemy by ISIS.

Governmentality is regulating and directing behavior with the aim of governing with the lowest possible cost. In efficient governmentality, subjects must relate to themselves in such a way (form their understanding and behavior) that they freely and creatively reproduce or update a certain order. Therefore, the basic question of the present article is as follows: How and in what way should efficient Islamic governmentality be established so that on the one hand, Islam and Islamic teachings play a significant role in shaping the understanding and behavior of the subjects, on the other hand, can the creativity and innovation of the subjects be used in order not to marginalize Islam in Muslim life? To answer this question, we must consider Islam as an immanent political force or political spirituality that is current in people's lives (not Islam as an epistemological system that should lead to the rule of law). Islam as an active political force in human life (as manifested in the Islamic Revolution) continuously shapes people's desire for change and resistance (as active forces that live on the limits), and turns them into efficient subjects who creatively apply Islam (as a social knowledge) in their daily lives and keep it efficient.

The Constitutional Revolution that restricted political power for the first time in Iran can be considered as one of the turning points in the history of political developments in Iran and the growth of political thought based on Shiite religious teaching. In fact, although constitutionalism began in the West, it soon influenced Islamic states, including Iran, and challenged the authoritarian monarchies. Meanwhile, the support of religious and leading scholars of The Najaf Seminary, especially Akhund Khorasani and Allameh Naeini from this socio-political movement in Iran played an important role in the relative victory of the Constitutional Revolution, otherwise the signing of the constitutional decree and the establishment of parliament and emergence of a new form of political system in Iran didn’t seem possible. Accordingly, despite the dichotomy of muslim scholars in favoring and opposing the constitutional movement, the great influence of the top scholars of Najaf, especially Allameh Naeini in supporting and theorizing about the superiority of the constitutional government over the authoritarian monarchy, paved the way for the victory of this movement. This article, by direct reference to the important work of Allama Naini called “Tanbih al-Umma Wa Tanzih al-Milla" has been attemped to analyze the rational and narrative teachings that has caused him to the preference of the constitutional government instead of the absolute monarchy in the era of Absence.

Al-Farabi has discussed language in his philosophical discussions, albeit here and there. His discussions are especially about syntax and logic. Most existing studies have dealt only with the connection between this syntax and logic, and with the conventionality or naturalness of language in al-Farabi’s thought. The question of this article is what are the political implications of al-Farabi's discussions on language? The results of the study, based on the method of content analysis of al-Farabi’s works, indicate that Farabi specifically related the logic and logical crafts to his political thought; In such a way he expects the realization of the virtuous city on the basis of demonstration (Alborhan); And explains the existence of non-virtuous cities with crafts such as rhetoric, dialectic, poetry and sophistry. In other words, it is the expression which forms the city. These findings help us to analyze al-Farabi's thought in our own time and ask ourselves what does al-Farabi's thought has for us? By trying to come closer to the answer of this question I conclude the article with this claim that al-Farabi's idea of non-virtuous cities is relevant to us today. What remains is our retainment.

Two important methods are presented for the phenomenon of religious science. One is the establishment of new religious science, and the other is the modification, reconstruction, and completion of the existing sciences. This research seeks to critique the first point of view and prepare the ground for a second view. In this way, the main circles of establishment views views (NewAkhbari, Qom Academy of Sciences, and Fardid Circle) have briefly proposed and criticized. The focuses of criticism are based on historical induction, impossibility, undesirableness, the tradition of the Prophet and imams, and the emotionality of the establishment-oriented reaction. The final solution presented in this article is purposeful and intelligent adaptation. The first step for the phenomenon of indigenous science is the indigenous theory, and the first step for the phenomenon of indigenous theory is comparative studies

International Human rights, especially women rights, in today's world is one of the main challenges of the Islamic world with International Law. In fact, one of the great allegation against Islam is about the violation of women rights in Islamic law. This is while in Islam, Human – even man or woman- is considered equal by specification of the verses of the Qur'an like” Surely the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous among you” (al-hujurat/13). Islam however also recognizes that such equality does not mean that men and women are the same. It notes their different physical and emotional strengths and in view of this sets out their key roles in life. In this framework, the purpose of this article is to assess the misinterpretations of international women rights about some Islamic views toward women rights. This article’s objective is to highlight connections between the basic tenets of the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the nature of Islam-based reservations. Also, it assess the question of the compatibility of the Sharia with modern international human rights law. Because it is a subject of enormous complexity and variation, detailed examination is restricted to two highly contentious subjects of Islamic family law – polygamy and the Divorce within Islam. The results show that the dispute between Islam and the West over human rights is not a conflict in dialectics but of perspectives, So that Islamic doctrines are compatible with modem norms regarding human rights. Likewise, the divergence between these two worlds are not fundamental clash, but actually the disagreement can be viewed as a cultural dialogue.

Traditionally, the sociology scholars tend to ignore or underestimate the role played by ideology is social phenomena, and this tendency can be seen among the political sciences scholars as well. Robert Jervis believes that one of the reasons for weakness of analysis of terrorism based on ideology is ignorance of this case in texts and literature of liberal arts and specifically political sciences and international relations: “Terrorism based on ideology has created some challenges for modern political sciences because less attention has been paid to discussions related to ideology, and the experts in this realm are less interested in them”. But the evolutions during the last decades of the 20th century and such events as the Islamic revolution of Iran increased the level of attention to this forgotten factor. In fact, for the first time a revolution with religious and ideological components happened across the world that surprised the thinkers in this scope and caused them to consider religion and ideology as two influential variables in their calculations. The present paper attempts to theoretically study the manner of formation of terrorism based on ideology.

The description and pursuit of human happiness and eudaimonia has been the claim of various schools and one of the conflicts between them. Considering the position of Martyr Motahhari in presenting and explaining the intellectual foundations of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, this article examines the idea of happiness in the foundations of the political philosophy of Mortaza Motahhari, or in other words, the philosophical politics of happiness in his view. Philosophical politics of happiness are fundamental questions that arise from existing schools and ideologies and have themselves developed under larger intellectual and cultural regimes. This policy, which is closely linked to the determination of the nature of happiness, is a reflective consideration of the questions of freedom, well-being, cohesion, and integration. It shows how individual and collective happiness are taken into account in any ideology, and whether government allowed to support any idea of happiness. This article reviews the ideas of Motahhari in this regard and by assuming an account of the relationship between individual, collective and otherworldly happiness, examines the place of justice, freedom and perfectionistic government in his view.

Frankfurt School’s critical theory, derived from the ideology of Herbert Marcuse and Jürgen Habermas et al. was put forward by Robert Cox, Andrew Linklater , and Marc Hoffmann into the realm of international relationships. It will be discussed in the framework of the third debate of international relationships. The concepts represented in this theory are highly similar to those in the Islamic theory within international policy and foreign policy. Thus, the question here is the degree to which these concepts can be employed in order to extend the Islamic theory of international relationships. The present paper is going to determine the degree to which such concepts as freedom, knowledge, mutual understanding, hegemony structure, international clampdown, and the like, which are frequently used in the Islamic international policy literature as the foundation of critical theory related to international peace, are comparable. The first hypothesis of this research is that above-mentioned concepts have only verbal similarities and not interchangeable in the level of ontology and epistemology. In order to explain the main concepts of critical theory, this research, sued analytical, descriptive method based on major resources employment. In fact, it answers the question utilizing the major resources being used in the Islamic international relationships literature.

Imam Khomeini said that the aims of the Iranian Revolution include national independence and Economic Justice. But he also said that Economic Justice cannot be found in today’s “incorrect system of economy prevalent in the world of Islam,” The incorrect system, therefore, must be replaced. How can that be done? Only a change of paradigm (on the scale of the Copernican Revolution) is capable of overthrowing both the incorrect system and the failing Western one. To that end an amazing fifty nine assumptions underlying conventional Islamic and Western Finance/Economics have been identified and shown to be false. Even more amazing is that each false assumption has a reversal or opposite (or near-opposite) which is obviously true or at least truer than the conventional false one. Most amazing of all, after only two or three reversals, a completely new paradigm – and the possibility of a new world truly implementing the aims of the Revolution – begins to be seen. In that new world (unlike today’s Western and Islamic Economics which continually narrow ownership) the real economy and real income are spread to every person in society; rich-poor division is ended; Riba is greatly dimished; and solutions to intractable environmental problems become available. Most important of all, the new paradigm enables Iran to give the world a hugely positive, and sorely needed, lead.

The idea of Islamic resistance is one of the most important views that has been formed in the foreign policy strategy of some Islamic states, especially in the Middle East region. This thought is determined in contrast to the conservative discourse of compromise and acceptance of the dominant logic of the great powers and some regional actors, especially the Zionist regime. This idea, which has been popular in the region for the past few decades, has received much attention since the 2006 Lebanon War (Tammuz war). In fact, one of the practical achievements of this war was strengthening the discourse of resistance in the region. In fact, before the success of Hezbollah in this war, the prevailing approach of the people of the region was based on this perception that the Zionist regime is invincible. This definite belief had developed and deepened so much that it had become the myth of Israel's invincibility in the region .This situation was considered unquestionable fact because of the high capability of the Zionist regime in the military field. This opinion of weakness against Israel was not only limited to the thoughts of ordinary people, but politicians and other elites in Lebanon also believed in this theory, and therefore, solutions such as mediating international organizations to compromise with Israel were suggested. In this circumstances, the resistance was able to put the face-to-face fight against Israel and confronting its excesses as its first and main priority and, accordingly, advance the political and cultural struggles in the next priorities. When we look at the circumstances surrounding this war, we get complicated situations. At that time, after the attack of September 11, U.S. had implemented large-scale tensions and wars in the region. The occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq, the expulsion of the Syrian army from Lebanon, the assassination of Rafic Hariri, the pressure on Syria to expel the Palestinian groups, had caused to a critical and complicated situation in the region. These conditions had been planned to come an end by appearance of The New Middle East in the 33-day war in 2006. In fact, before this war, we saw the threat of an attack, occupation and pressure in the region, and the Tammuz war was supposed to be the result of these events to hit the resistant in the region. But what actually happened was the defeat of the enemy in the battle of Tammuz and its acknowledgment of this defeat. Before this war, the atmosphere of compromise and getting along with the occupiers was dominated among the majority of the people in the Middle East, but Hezbollah's victory in the war with the Israel showed that resistance is the main and successful solution in the battlefield against the occupiers. And this caused the resistance after the victory in Tammuz to a Self-confidence in Lebanon and Palestine and to become stronger today than in the past. On the other hand, the regime has understood this power and today it is difficult for it to talk about another war, without pay attentions to the role of the resistance. In the meantime, perhaps turning resistance into a successful theoretical and practical strategy was the most important achievement of this war. In fact, before the 33-day war, there were two general approaches in dealing with Israel, the first approach was to compromise with the Zionist regime, and the second approach was to confront and resist it. It can be said with certainty that after the victory of the resistance in the 2006 war, the Palestinians became more favorable to the second discourse. Also, the Tammuz war proved to Israel that it can no longer launch a lightning war against the resistance and not allow the resistance to gain its goals on the battlefield. For this reason, the battle of Tammuz destroyed this illusion in the Israel's leaders and failed the U.S. plan in the Middle East. The impact of resistance in the international system is very clear. The axis of resistance in the current order is gaining strength. U.S. left Iraq with extreme weakness, and it's weakness against the axis of resistance is expressed even inside the country. After the 2006 war, the defeats of U.S. and Israel began in the region and this caused the expansion and acceleration of their decline in the world as it observed in recent Ukraine War. Accordingly, a new discourse base on resistance is being formed after the Tammuz war, which must be followed, but it should be aware that U.S. and Israel are waiting and observing the opportunity specially by using their dominance on media and cyber space to overcome the resistance. In this framework, the normalization of relations among Arab and Islamic countries with the Israel is reflecting. On the other hand, creation of economic and social problems in Lebanon is a new way to pressure the resistance and appoint it as responsible for this condition. In fact, U.S. and Israel attempt to pretend that Hezbollah's resistance has been the cause of these problems, however, the result of 2006 war and the effort of U.S. and Israel to retaliate for it is the main cause of this situation. The trick of the enemy in the war of Tammuz is used in a new way today that is convincing Arab and Islamic states to normalize relations with Israel and increasing economic sanctions and creating political isolation for Lebanon, Syria, Venezuela, etc. But today, the resistance especially in the case of the Karish gas field has proved that it is “of the people, by the people, for the people”. In the case of the Karish, Hezbollah by threatening Israel shows that it does not pass the right of Lebanese and it is ready to fight for the Lebanon’s national interests. The latter case shows that despite the continued hostilities with the axis of resistance, the strategy of active resistance and relying on its rational policy based on defensive deterrence - whether in Iran, Iraq, Syria or Lebanon - can pursuit as the most efficient and desirable option against the hegemonic policies of the U.S. and Israel In the Middle East.