نشریه مطالعات سیاسی بین النهرین
سال دوم شماره 3 (پاییز 1402)

With the fall of Babylon and the domination of Cyrus, Mianrodan, which was the platform for the formation of ancient civilizations, became the decision-making center of Iranians to the extent that it is called the heart of Iranshahr. In this way, the thoughts and opinions of the Aryans were mixed with the opinions of the natives of the Semitic, Syrian and Hellenic civilizations in Mesopotamia. Mesopotamia or the heart of Iranshahr, which was called during the Islamic period of Iraq, witnessed various movements and intellectual currents against the Umayyad caliphate, some of whose teachings were in conflict with the foundations of Islamic thought. The occurrence of such thoughts and currents raises the basic question of how these thoughts got into the opinions of the intellectual, religious and political movements of Muslims. Our hypothesis is based on the fact that the most prominent and lasting aspect of the aforementioned eclectic thoughts were the Gnostic and mysterious thoughts and opinions that continued until the arrival of Islam in this region and appeared again in Iraq during the Umayyad rule. The findings of this research by adopting methods of analysis based on the historical genealogy of the intellectual and religious doctrines of these movements have shown that the totality of the intellectual, religious and social life of these movements in the form of social movements with a radical approach such as Sabiyeh, the followers of Hamzah Bin Amara, the statement And Mughiryeh, which appeared in Iraq during the Umayyad period, was a combination of elements and components of Tanui, esotericism, mystery, saving and ghalian thoughts, which were influenced by intellectual sources, eclectic opinions and thoughts of Gnostic and Tanui currents with Mesopotamian sources have been

The statistical analysis of political instability indicators among the Mesopotamian countries shows that most of the countries in this region are in an unfavorable situation. This is while political instability directly and indirectly affects economic growth through various channels. Based on this, the main purpose of the current study is to investigate the impact of various indicators of political instability on the economic growth of the Mesopotamian countries during the years 2002-2021. For this purpose, four indicators of political instability including ICRG political risk, armed conflict, political stability and the absence of violence and the number of terrorist attacks have been used in the form of an economic growth model. Also, the estimation of the model has been done using the panel data analysis method and the Fixed Effects (FE) estimator. The results show that, according to the theoretical expectation, political instability has a negative and significant impact on the economic growth of the Mesopotamian countries, which emphasizes the necessity of creating a stable political environment in these countries in order to achieve continuous and sustainable economic growth. Based on other results, the impact of physical capital and human capital indicators on economic growth has been positive and significant; while the impact of inflation, military expenditure, rent of natural resources and population growth on the economic growth of the studied countries is negative and significant.

Although before 2011, Turkey appeared as a successful political-economic model in the region and was noticed by the United States and the European Union, but in the second period of the Justice and Development Party government and after the Arab revolutions in the region, it witnessed a turning and upswing. There have been some changes in Turkey's foreign policy that have led to its security. The current research with descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of the Copenhagen school's concept of securitization seeks to answer the question: What are the causes of the securitization of Turkey's foreign policy? In order to answer the mentioned question, this hypothesis has been proposed that: internal instability has led to the security of Turkey's foreign policy. By examining and analyzing Turkey's domestic policies in the economic-political field, it was found that the turmoil and tension in domestic policies pursued by the Justice and Development Party has led to the security of Turkey's foreign policy in the years after 2011.

At the same time as the influence of nationalism in many countries of the world has expanded, the importance of the role of nationalists was once again revealed in the 2023 elections in Turkey. Despite the fact that Turkish nationalists, in terms of the extent and depth of political and social influence, are practically in the category of the camp and the third discourse of Turkey, but in the competition between the first and second discourses, i.e. conservatives and democracy. The petitioners became an important point of gravity and played an important role. In order to win and form the cabinet, Erdoğan took the help of several nationalist parties and currents and was able to overcome the barriers of the opposition, and in this way, the leader of the most important Turkish nationalist party and the symbol of this discourse, Dolat Baghçli, continues to assert his influence and power as Erdogan's main partner was retained and the six-party opposition coalition was defeated. The main goal of this research is to analyze the position of Turkish nationalists in Turkey's party competition and their role in the political developments of this country and to answer this question: Turkish nationalists can maintain their effectiveness based on what kind of scenarios. Do Considering the importance of Turkey's geopolitics in the region and the influence of this country on regional trends, it is necessary to examine the real position of the parties and currents of this country, especially the Turkish nationalists. This article introduces the main Turkish nationalist currents in the field of Turkish politics and determines the position of the parties with the documentary method and comparison of opinions. Turkish nationalists are still influential and important actors in the field of Turkish politics and can influence political trends in sensitive situations

It's interesting to read about the scholarly research on the growing investment of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates in artificial intelligence technologies and its potential impact on the security landscape of Mesopotamia, particularly Iraq. The study sheds light on the evolving landscape of artificial intelligence strategies in both countries and its implications on the security dynamics of the Mesopotamia region. It's noteworthy that both countries have invested significantly in the research, development, and implementation of artificial intelligence in different sectors, making them important players in the global landscape of artificial intelligence. The research is based on the theoretical framework of Copenhagen, and the method of descriptive analysis is used in response to the main question. The author also hypothesizes that the balance of power will change in the not-too-distant future with the movement of Middle Eastern countries towards new technologies of artificial intelligence, which will intensify the competition of regional powers in Mesopotamia as well as Iraq. It's clear that artificial intelligence policies will probably have significant effects on the nature of security in the Middle East, Mesopotamia, and Iraq

The relations between Russia and the Zionist regime are planned based on several variables, the importance and maintenance of which is very important and vital for the regime; however, the regime has tried to change Russia's Middle Eastern behavior through selling military weapons to anti-Russia governments. According to this assumption, the Zionist regime is trying to reduce Russia's presence in its periphery (Levant region) by selling military weapons to hostile countries against Russia (Ukraine). The question is that by Adopting the assumption, what aspect of the relationship between the Zionist regime and Russia is reflected from the sale of Modern weapons by the Zionist regime to Ukraine during the period of Russia's presence in Middle East. The approach to answering this question is analytical-explanatory and data are collected from documents and online. The author first present the background of the research, and then the brief history of the relations between Russia and the regime, and in the second part, evaluate their relations, and in the last part, examines the relations between Ukraine and the regime. The general results show that the economic, military and immigrant relations of Russian diaspora act as a unifying element. But from political perspective, the two countries have different strategies. Therefore, the Zionist regime is trying to reduce the negative effects of Russia's presence in its surrounding environment by using military aid to countries hostile to Russia