پژوهشنامه علوم سیاسی
سال هجدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 70، بهار 1402)

The international order in transition is not merely one of challenges or opportunities for countries at different levels of power. Depending on the leadership intelligence of a country and its decision-makers in the smart formulation of macro strategies, or its neglect, this can be a period of opportunities for that country to rise or fall on the global stage. The present paper aims to recognize the different roles of state players in the changing international order. By conceptualizing and the conceptual clarification of the international order, the authors will endeavor to classify state players into the three categories of shapers, opposers, and compliers of the order. The paper claims that a government at any level of power can adopt the required strategies in one or more dimensions of the transitioning order to play a constructive role. Evidently, in an ever-changing world of dynamic, multilevel governance, accepting any role imposes internal and structural requirements on any one country. Meanwhile, by accepting any of the abovementioned situations in the changing international order, the IR of Iran must undertake to formulate and implement its strategies. By relying on the formulation of the international order in transition from the viewpoint of Ayatollah Khamenei as the central decision-maker in Iran today, and the development of a conceptual framework for the transition period, the present paper has answered the basic question of how the key model of Iran’s macro requirements in choosing a constructive role in the international order and bespoke strategy with its role in the three categories of “basic component of role-playing”, “prerequisites for effectiveness”, and “cognitive requirements” can be explained.This is a theoretical and applied research. It has benefited from the description, elucidation, and logical analysis of library resources and theoretical and empirical analysis to follow the research topic. Notes were taken on library resources with a critical approach to serve the design of a new concept for the requirements of the IR of Iran.

The theories of the transition to democracy in the past decades consider political and economic development as a movement that started with enlightenment and then will inevitably lead to prosperity and progress. This is almost moving in a dogmatic way to realize liberty for all the countries of the world. Late theories and especially the development research Approach of Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson with an emphasis on politics, economics and history; They have shown that there is no coercion in the transition to democracy, but a completely unstable balance that must be constantly protected. The research question is: How was the relationship between the power of the state and the society in the constitutionalism and what is its relationship with the transition to democracy? in constitutionalism, the power of the Shah Decreased and provided for the development of society as one of the foundations of the transition to democracy. Under the subjugation of the cage of norms and the weakening of the state's capacity as another basis for the transition to democracy, the synchronic strengthening of society and the state and the rise of the Shackled Leviathan as the Equilibrium of transition to democracy did not happen, and Iran was thrown out of the narrow corridor of liberty. The method of this research is historical-explanatory sociology, and its data has been collected through library-documentary studies and analyzed in the framework of Acemoglu and Robinson 's theory.

Relying on religious symbols is one of the relatively frequent behaviors of Iranian political activists in the past decades. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to identify the quantity and type of religious symbols in the election campaigns of two political factions and compare them with each other.The research method is quantitative content analysis and community research of propaganda documents related to the election of the 11th Assembly of the Islamic Council in the news-analytical sites, Eastern and Radnaq from the fundamentalist current and Asra-Iran, and the selection from the reformist current. In this research, the full census method was used and all the documents published during the election period were studied.The findings showed that, firstly, the election ads on the fundamentalist sites had a larger volume compared to the reformist sites. Secondly, while the reformers have rarely used religious symbols (57 cases); The fundamentalists have used religious symbols directly and indirectly to create a common identity among their followers and to destroy their rivals with a greater extent (483 cases). Among the immediate symbols, the symbol of "Martyr Qassem Soleimani" has been used the most. The fundamentalists have also used negative religious symbols, while their rival faction has not used these symbols.The result is that the fundamentalist movement has tried to use religious symbols in different forms to introduce itself as a religious movement and take advantage of the existing capacity in this field to gain votes and attack the rival.

The relationship between political capital and national identity, despite its importance for the political life of democratic societies and the continuity and solidarity of national societies, has not been researched as it deserved. Concerning the situationality of the two mentioned variables on the one hand and the fast and profound political and social transformations on the other hand, it is necessary to study the relationship between the two variables of political capital and national identity. Therefore, the present article, which has a descriptive-analytical nature and is based on political institutionalism approach and uses the combined theoretical framework of Rafalovski, Lindenberg, Rothstein and Levy, questions the relationship of political capital and national identity. The data for theoretical part is gathered library method and for the case study of Iran by secondary analysis method. The main hypothesis is that the relationship between the two variables is meaningful and direct in such a way that the increase in political capital leads to the strengthening of the national identity and its decrease leads to the weakening of attachment to the components of the national identity. 

Power naturally has a desire for corruption, and reducing corruption requires curbing political power; Controlling political power also requires its institutionalization; Institutionalization of power means legality and depersonalization of political power; Based on this assumption, the question of this article is, "How can the institutional challenges of exercising political power in the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran be explained?" In response to the research question, this hypothesis is proposed that "the institutional challenges of the exercise of political power during the period of the Islamic Republic of Iran are rooted in the unequal distribution of political power in the ruling political structure, which is in the form of political rules and by rule-making actors in the institutional framework of the early Islamic Revolution 1979, It has been established". To answer the research question, the process tracking research method has been used, and for the theoretical explanation of the research problem, the theoretical framework of political institutionalism has been used. The results of the research show that in the early years of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Islamic political forces, due to their extensive social power, had a superior and exclusive role in determining and compiling the rules and procedures for the implementation of political power, and this led to an unequal distribution of political power in the structure. ruling politics and as a result, weakening the institutionalization of the exercise of political power and intensifying political corruption.

The purpose of the current research is to investigate the quality of governance in Iran between 1996 and 2021, and to organize the research, four questions are raised: How has the quality of governance in Iran performed in the period under review? How has the governance quality model been in Iran? What is the prediction about the future of Iran's governance? And finally, what are the most important factors in determining the quality of governance? In order to answer the research questions, time series techniques and structural equations are used. The results of the research indicate that the quality of governance, which means the use of power, interaction and accountability, and examines the efficiency of political systems, has had periodic performance with a downward trend in the period under review in Iran, so that its best performance is related to It was the initial year, and during the following years, the level of governance quality has never been equal to it; In addition, the worst performance of the quality of governance in Iran is related to the last year of the period, which is a confirmation of the declining quality of governance in Iran. Among the six dimensions of governance quality, political stability and corruption control have been identified as the most important influencing factors. The time series forecast also indicates that the continuation of the existing processes will lead to the continued decline in the quality of governance in Iran, which has the potential to create dissatisfaction among Iranians.

One of the ways to conduction the experiences and skills of political activities in different generations is to be aware of the lived experiences of politicians. The experience of politician acting is differentiated according to the type of political system in each society because the institutional, legal and organizational structures of political systems and on the other hand cultural, historical, religious and mentality characteristics affect the methods of political acting, rules and also its results and achievements. Political education is important as the first and main step for politician activities; So that the types of political education have a great impact on the characteristics of political action which the most important place for it to appear is in political competition. In this paper, using semi-structured interviews and qualitative data analysis and coding by Juliet Corbin and Anselm Strauss method was extracted the central categories of the two concepts of political education and political competition and they were studied in relation to the lived experiences of Iranian women politicians. A total of three models, Follower political education, Combative political education, Citizenship political education was conceptualized and two models of political competition studied in Hidden type and Competition in political authority. Finally, the relationship between political education models and the type of political competition was summarized and analyzed.