پژوهشنامه روابط جهانی
پیاپی 2 (تابستان 1403)

Regarding to the International System evolutions, Recognition and Understanding of the Relationship Between Global Political Economy and Foreign Policy of Iran Has Become More Important. Despite the Numerous Studies Which Have Been Done in This Field, but considering the Widespread Evolutions, it is important the Explanation of the interactive and circular Relationship between these two categories, as well as the impact of the global structure of production on the Iran’s foreign policy. From this Perspective, It Seems That Cox 's Opinions Are Appropriate for Understanding these Evolutions and the Relation Between These Categories. The Present Essay, while assuming the relationship between global political economy and the foreign policy of Iran, Raises This Key Question of What Effect Does Global Political Economy on the functioning of Foreign Policy of Iran?According to Cox's opinions, the Global Political Economy by creating the global chain of value production, and based on Iran's position in the global production structure, with its impact on the economic system and the configuration of the state, has had a fundamental impact on the foreign policy action in Iran, and has always met the requirements has imposed on. From this point of view, the foreign policy which interacts with domestic socio-economic structures on the one hand, and interacts with the world system on the other hand, is strongly influenced by the global political economy, which has created a global production structure. Hence, the Purpose of this Paper is to study and Explain How the Global Political Economy Affects the Foreign Policy in Iran, So, it Forms an Exploratory Research Based On a Critical Methodological Approach and a Reproductive Strategy.in this framework, we tried to study and explain the relationship between the global political economy and foreign policy of Iran, by using the Cox's critical approach and recognizing the dominance and hegemony in the political economy of the world. Based on the findings of the research, the global political economy has always imposed requirements on Iran based on the needs of the global production structure and Iran's position in the global chain of value production, which has led to extensive changes in Iran's foreign policy action. In other words, in order to reproduce the economic system and secure the interests and benefits of the dominant classes, the state has been influenced by the global political economy and has continuously adjusted and directed its actions, especially the foreign policy, in order to respond to global requirements.turning to the discussions and as a result of the changes in the global political economy, a global production structure and in other words, a global value production chain has been formed in which all countries have a certain place. In addition, Iran is located in another special infrastructure named the global oil production network, which has created special requirements for it. Thus, Iran has been defined as a major producer of energy and a consumer of consumer products in the global structure of production. The process of globalization as the dominant trend of global political economy has led to a new formulation of interactions between governmental and non-governmental actors at different levels and fields. By increasing interdependence, the importance of interactive actions and the functionalization of diplomacy in the field of economy, has made necessary coordination and adaptation with global economic trends and has led to changes in foreign policy strategies and tools. Therefore, Iran's foreign policy, while accepting the established order and global political economy trends, and understanding the importance of economic variables in foreign policy, non-governmental actors, competitiveness and international trade, with changes in its tools and policies, is trying to adopt an active and dynamic and development oriented foreign policy, in line with global trends.Although it seems that despite of cooperation and coordination of Iran's foreign policy with global trends, due to the lack of accurate understanding of global Evolutions, foreign policy action has not been able to adapt to the global political economy. This issue has led to the deepening of Iran's position in the global production structure and can confront Iran with several crises. In the meantime, no specific action has been taken by Iran to change this position. This problem is partly caused by the needs of the government, the ideology ruling the system and the interests and tendencies of the dominant productive social forces in Iran, and partly caused by the unwillingness of the dominant forces in the global political economy (especially the West) to structural changes in Iran, Therefore, they have prevented the possibility and opportunity of structural changes in Iran with different methods. As a result, Iran has almost been excluded from the process of globalization. Hence, Iran's position will be in more danger if it does not pay attention to the requirements of global structures. Therefore, it is necessary to adopt appropriate policies, while responding to global requirements, to stabilize and improve Iran's position.

Peace has always been one of the most important concerns of mankind and was considered a high value throughout history. Any ruler who established peace in a certain territory was known as a powerful ruler. With the formation of the concept of geopolitics in international literature, war was recognized as a tool for gaining the power, and the rulers believed that they could establish peace after the war. From the classical point of view, the concept of geopolitics is associated with competition, conflict, and war, and peace is considered an abnormal phenomenon. But from the point of view of modern geopolitics, peace is considered a phenomenon that does not create a conflict of interests to create the power and security of countries. Geopolitics of peace is a new concept that does not have a comprehensive definition, and this research aims to find a proper definition of this term by examining the ontology and epistemology of the geopolitics of peace.The main research question is that: “What is the geopolitics of peace”. It has been assuming that the geopolitics of peace is a type of positive peace that has geopolitical characteristics that are implemented at different levels of a country and include transnational and international dimensions. This research has been carried out in terms of the integrated nature of the descriptive-analytical method using library data and observing the humanistic geopolitical approach. The research method is of a qualitative type with a descriptive-analytical approach in terms of the fundamental goal. Also, the data analysis strategy is inductive. The method of data collection is library-documentary and reading books, scientific articles and also internet resources.In accordance with the findings of the research, it can be claimed that the Geopolitics of peace means international policies adopted by governments, agencies, actors, organizations and international institutions that are used at local, national, regional and global levels. In accordance with the geopolitical conceptualization of peace study that was carried out in this research, peace refers to the following meanings and phenomena; Existence and preservation of territorial integrity and absence of threats. War and attack from other countries, absence of any kind of structural, organized, governmental, individual and social violence. Preservation of people's lives and the existence of justice and equality among all types of people without discrimination. Survival and continuation of the social system at sub-national, national and transnational levels. Maintaining and improving the vital resources of the country, these resources can include natural or human resources. Absence of foreign threats to the goals, national and vital interests of the country. Absence of any feeling of personal and social threat from any side towards the citizens. Maintaining citizenship rights and dignity of people regardless of occupational, economic, racial differences and the like. Providing the basic needs of the nation. Absence of any kind of racism, the humiliation of ethnicities, and races, and conflict over such issues at the sub-national and national level. Absence of organized corruption at sub-national and national level. Maintaining the human dignity of citizens at the local, international and national levels. Respecting the basic rights of citizens, social, political, economic, and religious freedom of every citizen as long as it does not harm the freedom of others and is within the framework of human ethics and customs and without insulting another person or society. The existence of democracy and the right of free elections of citizens for the fate of their political future. Feeling the need and dependence of the government and the government on the people in all political, economic, social, cultural and similar matters. The existence of free media.

The world is undergoing rapid and profound changes. These transformations have occurred and emerged in various aspects and levels. in the post-Cold War era and the beginning of the 21st century, Greater opportunities have emerged for the resistance movements in shaping events and activism for non-state actors in international relations. So, the need for the production of literature and the authoring of new works on these topics has been felt more than ever before. However, there is still a noticeable gap in most scientific and academic writings about subjects like "resistance" in its contemporary dimensions. In this regard, this research aims to show whether it is possible to present a novel framework of resistance in international relations in the context of history of the present of international relations? What are the characteristics of this framework of resistance, and what will they be? The argument of this research is that in the present and the future that is unfolding, resistance in the form of a collective and international linkage, with the possibility of being in common without being common is facilitated among its actors; a form of “the International-to-come”. In this regard, the concept of collective agency is considered, which does not imply uniformity or homogenization, but rather a shared purpose without erasing the distinct characteristics of different groups and individuals. This research, based on the approach of Jacques Derrida, examines and analyzes resistance in international relations. The method employed in this study is a qualitative case study. In this regard, the "People's Climate Movement" will be investigated.Based on the proposed content, this research is a modest attempt to examine resistance in the contemporary era. It aims to strengthen dialogues and, consequently, foster interdisciplinary discussions about the theoretical, inclusive, and international dimensions of this concept. Given that orthodox perspectives and narrow views in mainstream international relations hinder such reflections, this research seeks to take a different path and analyze the issue through an interdisciplinary approach. Therefore, it delves into the examination and analysis of resistance in international relations, drawing upon the approach of Jacques Derrida.This research delves into the important aspects of Derrida's views that are relevant to the present study. Specters of Marx is a 1993 book by Jacques Derrida. According to Derrida, the spirit of Marx holds even greater relevance in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the decline of communism. With the demise of communism, the specter of communism begins to reappear on Earth. Derrida seeks to inherit from Marx, not communism itself, but rather the philosophy of responsibility and Marx's spirit of radical critique. In his work, Derrida identifies ten plagues of the global system and presents an account of the emergence of a new form of activism called the "New International". This research emphasizes two concepts in Derrida's approach to analyzing resistance in international relations: the "New International" and "Spectrality".International activism, as a specter-like action, is constantly evolving and changing. Therefore, it represents a collective framework that does not lead to uniformity or homogenization, but rather signifies a shared action based on the diverse characteristics of groups and individuals. International activism forms a bond of kinship, shared suffering, and hope. Specters of "the International-to-come" do not allow us to forget that any imposed unity carries within it a multiplicity. Essentially, anything left out of the defining process returns as a spectral presence in a different form. Therefore, "the International-to-come" lacks a coherent center and a regulated periphery. It is a collection of diverse and uncoordinated struggles and organizations that prioritize points of connection with common objectives. They are of the nature of Communitas (being in common without being common). In accordance with Derrida's interpretation, "the International-to-come" must leave an empty space for unknown and anonymous activism. This act of leaving an empty space signifies a form of indeterminacy and anonymity that implies hospitality for what is yet to come in the future.In a specific case study within the research, the "People's Climate Movement" was examined. The People's Climate Movement was a global climate movement that took place in over 400 cities worldwide in 2014 and has continued to evolve. It is important to note that this uprising is not the ultimate representation and embodiment of resistance in the form of " International-to-come". Rather, it serves as an example that, if we want to see how "the International-to-come" can manifest in the real world, this movement demonstrates a part of its shaping and formulation. Within the research's topic and theoretical framework, the People's Climate Movement can be understood as a metaphorical call to accept the responsibility of ancestral heritage by the survivors and strive for reform through reliance on the revelations of the specter of resistance. The "people," as the primary center of the climate movement, play a crucial role in protests, global demonstrations, whistleblowing, coordination among various institutions, and exerting pressure on governments and international organizations for collaboration, it is evident in the example of the climate movement's key role in the United Nations Climate Conference in 2014. This ultimately led to the Paris Agreement on climate change. On the other hand, the People's Climate Movement fulfills the role of the promised activism of past generations. This movement represents a resistance born out of the present, and it is not waiting for the appearance of a promised messiah. Furthermore, it does not hesitate to seize any opportunity for activism, ranging from large-scale gatherings to unconventional and occasionally controversial actions, such as spraying paint on valuable artworks and buildings, and other similar acts. These instances allude to the hidden capacities of the movement in the realm of resistance, which may exist like a specter in our world, seeking an opportunity to emerge based on the exigencies of time and place. Furthermore, the movement has charted a long-term trajectory, namely the fight against climate change, but it restricts the short-term actions of leadership.Ultimately, the activists of "the International-to-come" do not seek to seize power or dominate the future and the prevailing discourse in international relations. Instead, they demand recognition of their concerns and anxieties.

As two neighboring countries, Iran and the UAE have maintained relatively stable relations since the independence of the UAE in 1971. Except for the dispute over the triple Islands in the Persian Gulf and the UAE's pursuit of resolving this through international forums, there has been no significant tension in the relations between the two. The UAE's foreign policy has always been cautiously towards Iran and the country avoided a direct confrontation with its big northern neighbor. A new generation of UAE political leaders in 2011 began charting a more proactive approach to reshaping the Middle East security landscape in the country's favor, often focusing on countering the threat posed by the Muslim Brotherhood and other Sunni Islamist groups. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan of Abu Dhabi was and continues to be central to this approach. Although he holds no formal position in the UAE federal government, he has consolidated his role as Abu Dhabi’s, and indeed the UAE’s, de facto leader since his 2003 elevation as successor to the role of crown prince of Abu Dhabi. (Crisis Group, 2021) With the geopolitical changes in the Middle East, UAE leaders have seized the opportunity to influence on regional equations. In this regard, the UAE attempt to strengthen national security and enter into regional and extra-regional alliances and coalitions. For instance, it could be mentioned the active presence of the country in Yemen's war. Another important issue that should be noted is the endorsement of Abraham's contract with Israel which has led to the normalizing relations process between them. A significant issue that should be kept in mind is that with the signing of the agreement, Israeli has accessed to the security complex of the Persian Gulf, and this is considered a threat to Iran and its national interests. The purpose of this present research is to investigate the impact of the Abraham Agreement on the neighborly relations between Iran and the UAE. Using descriptive qualitative method and applying the two concepts of balance of power and strategic hedging, this study has analyzed the relations between theU AE and Israeli and also its consequences on the neighboring relations with Iran. The term “hedging” is widely used in the academic and policy literature. However, its casual usage has created conceptual confusion because its meanings is varying greatly. Most of the time, practitioners and policy researchers consider the term (hedging)parallel to “balancing,” remarking it to be an antonym of “engagement,” which recourses to an effort to create a cooperative relationship through political, military, economic, or social means. This “engagement-hedging” insight illustrates one’s political status: engagement emphasizes cooperation as a primary objective, whereas hedging is an insurance policy in the event engagement fails. (Koja,2018:636) Strategic hedging is a relative and incomprehensible concept that is innately difficult to quantify. Tessman and Wolfe have already noted to three primary resources that generate strategic hedging; economic capacity, military power and central government. (Salman& Geeraerts,2014: 3) The other concept is “balancing power”. Schweller offers the following definition of balancing centered on military capabilities “Balancing means the creation or aggregation of military power through either internal mobilization or the forging of alliances to prevent or deter the state occupation and domination by a foreign power or coalition(Schweller,2016:4). The term balance of power adverts to the distribution of power capabilities of rival states or alliance. The balance of power theory holds that when one state or alliance mounts its power or applies it more aggressively; threatened states will increase their own power in response, often by forming a counter-balancing coalition.(legalserviceindia.com). Being aware of its geopolitical position and mentality that there is an objective threat against the country's national security from Iran, the UAE entered into an interaction with the IRI as part of a "hedging strategy" to deal with this threat. In fact, the country considered Iran to be its biggest regional threat, and there were sources of mistrust and tensions between the two sides, including over the triple islands, the nuclear issue, the ballistic missile program, and accusations against Iran of inciting the political sentiments of Shiites in the UAE.In line with its dual policy of strategic hedging and balancing, the UAE has taken many defense and military measures in the past years. The UAE has quietly established its own independent defense force. Over the decades, this country has provided a relatively small but sophisticated military possess such as air force, special forces and offensive and defensive weapons with advanced technology. (El-Dessouki & Rafik Mansour,2020) On August 13, 2020, Israel and the UAE announced the normalization of relations between the two sides and the establishment of a new relationship. Contrary to the normative historical view of the Arab world regarding Israel, the UAE considers the regime neither an enemy nor a threat to the stability of the region. According to the worldview of Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the main threats to the UAE and its allies are the expansionist Iran and transnational political Islamists. In return, the UAE considers Israel a strong regional power, which has shared the view and it is willing to work alongside the UAE against regional enemies. Therefore, the official alliance with Israel has the strategic logics. (Rahman, 2021:2) Telaviv and Abu Dhabi consider Iran and Turkey as a threat to national security. These possible threats from Tehran and Ankara are reinforced by Washington's plan to reduce its military presence in the Middle East. The normalization agreement publicly and officially brings Israel and the UAE together, which will bring its own set of complex challenges and potential risks (Guzansky & Heistein, 2020). One of the important components of the Ibrahim agreement, although not specifically explained, is increased security cooperation against regional threats, especially from Iran and its proxies. It is important to mention that Israel and the UAE have had security relations since the past, but this agreement exposes them (COOK, 2020). As mentioned, one of the important articles of the Ibrahim contract is the security cooperation between the two sides that will probably create challenges for Iran in terms of security issues in the future. By having the support from USA, Israel enjoys a relative military superiority in the Middle East. However, drones, missiles and new cyber capabilities and other technologies may reduce this gap in the coming years. (Sachs & Huggard, 2020:12)In this research, we sought to find an answer to this question; what effect will the strengthening of relations between the UAE and Israeli have on the neighboring relations of this country with Iran? And the hypothesis that was raised in relation to the question was that the consolidation of the relations between the UAE and Israeli after the Ibrahim Agreement would cause the influence and indirect presence of Israeli in the vital security environment of Iran and as a result, changing in the balance of threats. It will intensify the skepticism of the neighborly relations of the parties. The findings of the research show that the security aspect of this cooperation is dangerous for Iran's national interests because it opens a foothold for Israel to the Persian Gulf region near the borders of Iran. Besides, the close intelligence and cyber cooperation between Abu Dhabi and Telaviv in the region could endanger the national security of Iran. Cyber-attacks on infrastructure, while being inexpensive, could be very dangerous.

Energy has become a critical issue and has also gained economic as well as strategic importance for different purposes from normal life style and daily usages to the high tech instruments and military forces and application. In this way, with the passage of time its significance has got momentum and brought about serious challenges and even conflicts among nations. Thus, states have tried to gain access to the energy sources in order to fulfill their needs and this has been the case not only for the importers but also for the exports. Both exporters and importers try through different policies to control and dominate the demand and supply process in international and regional markets. OPEC as an example, was established to play a greater role in the international energy system, and over period of time, the trans-OPEC states have tried to influence the functioning and status of the organization. USA has been one of the states that has tried to influenced the organization by adopting various policies and plans. This research aims to study the energy policies of the United States of America over period of 2000 till 2021 in order to have a deeper understanding of different policies and doctrines of three presidents regarding the energy and energy issues in the internal and external contexts. Therefore, This piece of research seeks to address this important question as to  what are the differences and similarities of American energy policies during 2000-2021? the hypothesis is that the American governments in this period try to reduce the dependence on Middle Eastern oil, influence the energy market, marginalization of the OPEC organization, prioritizing the role of energy and influencing the Persian Gulf and their differences include Bush's emphasis on maintaining the status quo (within America) and the use of military power for (outside America) and not using new technology, Obama's emphasis on renewable energy and the use of green policy while using new technology and Trump's emphasis on putting forward the US First policy, using new technology and achieving energy independence by confronting the traditional powers of the energy market while bringing up the New International Energy Order. This research uses the qualitative method focusing on the case study with comparative perspective to pinpoint the differences and similarities of the cases in order to reach a valid and precise analysis of the research topic. For this purpose, the primary and secondary data including documents, reports, statements, books, articles and valid internet sites are consulted and used. The theoretical frame work of the research is based on the realist school of thought to have a better explanation and analysis of the issue and status of energy in international arena and in America as well as its importance for the American national security too. In fact, through the assumptions of realism we can understand that why access to energy is equal to access to power and why it is so vital for USA to control and dominate the regional and international energy markets and sources all over the world. The research findings emphasize the fact that the American governments during different periods and presidencies have taken various policies and doctrines not only as a presidential campaign but also as a foreign policy directive to get access to different parts of the world where there are rich energy sources. For example, during the Bush presidency the dual policy of pressurizing the OPEC members for low prices and use of military forces and aggressive stances against some countries like Iraq were taken into consideration, while Obama tried to take the policy of green policy and introduce and invest on shale technology, Trump with the policies of America First and New International Energy Order tried to influence the internal and external energy markets and make USA a great exporter. As a matter of fact, it was during his presidency that USA started to challenge the traditional energy powers and exporters by imposing sanctions and new corridors for transportation of energy and creating a new geopolitical configuration in the field of energy, specially focusing the Western Hemisphere. Finally, the concluding remarks reveal the fact that the American governments have always endeavored to acquire and protect their energy sources while influencing the global energy market specially the Persian Gulf.

Governments throughout history have been confronted with political and security problems related to diseases, as they are widespread and claim many lives. The virus COVID -19 became a global crisis in a short period of time due to its dynamic transmission and unknown nature. This situation challenged the economic structures of the world and created security problems at the level of relations between countries Therefore, using the descriptive and analytical method and based on the theory of the Copenhagen School and specifically the issue of security, this study attempts to answer the central question of what impact the Corona Crisis has had on the traditional concept of international security, and also to answer whether this will lead to a recognition of health issues as a non-traditional threat in the security priorities of countries and international organizations? And what will be the consequences of these changes? This study hypothesizes that the emergence of the recent crisis has accelerated the difference in the traditional conception of security, as the absence of military confrontation between national governments has led to a change in the role of health care issues in domestic and international security. On the other hand, the intertwining of health and security sectors during the outbreak of the Coronavirus has resulted in the mobilization of political will and the allocation of economic resources to address this issue. This can be seen as a positive step towards enhancing the overall level of health. Still, placing a strong emphasis on health security has adverse effects on internal democracy and international cooperation.After the recent experience of pandemics, there has been a strong emphasis on health and global health by theorists in this field. An article published 35 years ago (Thomas, 1989) addressed the issue of health and international relations by Carolyn Thomas. The article demonstrated how global health can play a pivotal role in this field. In addition, Susan Peterson, in her article titled "Pandemic Diseases and National Security," examines the economic, social, and political effects of pandemics on different countries and societies. She mentions that biological agents pose a serious threat to the security of countries (Peterson, 2002). Moreover, McInnis and Kelly Lee discussed the relationship between these three variables in their joint article titled "Health, Security, and Foreign Policy" while emphasizing health concerns. They believe that epidemic diseases pose a significant security threat because they can cross borders and weaken a nation's economy and internal stability. They should give more attention to national security policies.In this article, we aim to explore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the political, economic, and military domains of countries. Additionally, we aim to discuss the significance of reassessing the conventional notion of security and integrating health concerns into the framework of the Copenhagen school's security theory. Furthermore, we aim to address the potential consequences of securitizing health issues on international peace and security. Through an examination of the effects of the COVID-19 crisis, we aim to test the hypothesis that prioritizing security will foster political resolve and allocate economic resources to this sector.However, overdoing it brings countless ill effects and not only will not lead to progress in the field of health and health, but may also overshadow the process of internal democracy and international security.In this regard, dealing with the epidemic of Covid-19 under the title of a security issue can have two different consequences: firstly, by revising the traditional concepts of security, it will increase the importance of governments and international organizations to health affairs. In this way, the amount of attention of countries to their healthcare infrastructure as a security investment increases.Excessive measures in addressing the aforementioned matter can lead to numerous adverse consequences. It is important to note that such actions not only hinder advancements in the realm of healthcare but also have the potential to overshadow the development of internal democracy and international security. Consequently, treating the epidemic as a security concern can lead to two distinct outcomes. Firstly, reevaluating traditional concepts of security will enhance the importance of governments and international organizations in relation to health matters. Consequently, nations are increasingly recognizing the importance of allocating resources to enhance their healthcare infrastructure as a way to ensure security.