نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال دهم شماره 4 (پیاپی 38، زمستان 1402)

The aim of the present research is to examine the obstacles existing in Iran's laws for accepting commitments to the World Trade Organization (WTO). The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that Iran's problems in joining the WTO stem from both internal and external factors. Apart from the current problems and instabilities prevailing in Iran's economy, some domestic laws also fail to align with WTO regulations. For instance, Article 44 of the Constitution, which enforces state ownership and monopolies in significant sectors such as industries, mines, banking, radio and television, shipping, aviation, etc., underscores the overbearing presence of government and semi-government entities in the economy, while relegating the private sector to a marginalized role in economic activities. Furthermore, due to the absence of a single exchange rate, regulations related to foreign insurances, insufficient support for foreign investment in Iran and high import tariffs, some other domestic laws not only fail to conform to WTO regulations but also contradict them significantly. In Iran, due to access to foreign currency resources derived from oil exports, the foreign trade sector has not developed properly and proportionately to the needs, resulting in various problems. The emergence of these issues and the potential decrease in oil export revenues in the future underscore the significance of the foreign trade sector and its presence in global markets. Therefore, increasing production, enhancing export capabilities and competitiveness on a global scale, and benefiting from the facilities of the WTO are raised as necessities.

The purpose of the present study is to answer the main question about the role of the state leader in applying public diplomacy relational methods to fulfill interests of Iran and the Islamic world. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that with regard to his role in the political-legal structure of the country, having religious authority in the Shi’ite world, and the existing potentials in the discourse literature of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the state leader by applying soft power and relational methods through gatherings, meetings, approaches, mass media, relevant institutions, cultural and educational organizations, and sending messages and letters to the audience, has an effective role in right detection and enemy recognition, revival of the Islamic ideology, spiritual propagation of the revolution, enforcement of smart power of the Islamic Republic of Iran, preparation of resistance culture, and challenging the unjust nature of the international order in various aspects.

The present research studies Iran’s foreign policy during the presidency of Mr. Khaatami with an emphasis on the role of identity patterns of the executive elites in the development of foreign policy by a descriptive-analytic method and the theory of constructivism. The research relies on the hypothesis that identity is regarded as the foundation of national interest. The practical orientation of Iran’s foreign policy is considered a state issue in which different governmental institutions including the executive elites have a role. The component of national culture and identity of the executive elites is regarded as an effective factor in the “behavior” of Iran’s foreign policy during the period of reformism. The results indicate that with regard to the outstanding element of modernism compared to Islamism and nationalism (Iranism) for the reformist executive elites and the perception of cultural and identity similarity with some western elements, Iran’s foreign policy orientation inclined to the west and this issue paved the way for the polarization of Iran’s Foreign policy during the next years.

The purpose of the present research is to study the soft power role of sport diplomacy in the success of the foreign policy objectives in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research relies on the hypothesis that sport diplomacy improves foreign policy strategies and objectives of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results indicate that constructive cooperation between executive organizations in the country and using the potential of international sport by them can improve the existing situation and as a result we would be optimist to the betterment of Iran’s sport diplomacy. Islamic Republic of Iran due to having the potential capacity of sport can form its athletic diplomacy and apply it as an efficient means to improve international decency, Islamic Republic of Iran’s soft power, collaboration in regional peace and security, positive impact, attraction of public thoughts, removal of disputes, and international peace in the world. It is recommended that sport management takes place in a strategic field. It means that a 16 to 20-year-old plan and policy be compiled to be as a practical guide for the senior sport managers in the country. Therefore, personal taste and individualism would be avoided in the sport management and the country would be guided toward excellent purposes.

The purpose of the present research is to study Turkey’s foreign policy in front of Iraq and its impact on national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, the theory of neorealism along with a descriptive-analytic method was used. The results showed that Turkey’s foreign policy in Iraq is based on increasing penetration, acquiring better position, and maintaining power balance with Iran which, on the one hand, has common interests for both countries, and on the other hand, involves contradictory interests. At for positive points and collaboration, this subject is rooted in the geography of 3 countries and is a function of regional environment, terrorism, and Kurds’ issue while with respect to competition, it is due to the expansion of the penetration of 2 countries in Iraq. Iran supports the policy of sustaining the status quo whereas Turkey seeks changing the current situation. Iran considers itself as an ally of Iraq while Turkey pursues hegemony and regional leadership. On the other hand, in the economic field, Turkey aims to acquire the highest share of trade and take control of energy transmission from Iraq to Europe. Therefore, it can be said that Turkey mostly uses means of soft power for its hard purposes while Iran uses components of hard power for its soft purposes.

In the past few years, we have seen developments in the Middle East region. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are two important and influential countries in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. During the last four decades after the Islamic Revolution, Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran have undergone many changes in their relations. The purpose of this research is to investigate the security challenges caused by globalization in the Middle East and its impact on the adoption of foreign policy strategies of the two countries. Was. The method used in this research is the descriptive-analytical method. In this method, the analysis of information is based on the historical review of the events related to the subject, as well as the data based on the analysis of details in the overall structure, and the foreign policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified using reliable sources. The results of the research showed that Saudi Arabia seeks to improve its regional position against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and with this goal, it has entered into regional crises, and in this regard, the policies adopted by the two regimes have caused divergence and divisive tensions in regional level, the result of which has been nothing but the rise and spread of terrorists in the region, the presence of western countries under the pretext of fighting it, and the overall decrease in the security of the region.

The purpose of the present research is to study strategies of social integration of Afghan immigrants in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the SWOT model. Totally, 8 strength points, 17 weakness points, 19 opportunities, and 13 threats were detected. In the next stage, the final score of each criterion and sub-criterion was determined using paired comparison, Saaty ranking system, and ANP model. According to the obtained scores, it can be said that in the current situation, the invasive strategy should be taken into consideration and prioritized. Strategies of SO9, So3, and SO1 have the highest scores and are recognized as the first, second, and third priorities. The strategy of SO9 develops territory markets, export of domestic goods, and import of Afghan products to Iran. SO3 propagates consumption patterns among the immigrants and expands internal and external markets which help economic growth. SO1 increases the labor force and ethnic variation in society and creates interaction between different cities and regions.

The purpose of the present study is to review the principle of resorting to force from the view of international relations. The research method is descriptive-analytic and the results showed that resorting to force by any country against another one is condemned from the view of international documents including the United Nations Charter. No country is allowed to use force in international relations unless it is attacked and wants to defend itself by resorting to force. Peaceful intervention and resorting to force is permitted only if the Security Council of the United Nation detects a systematic and extensive fault in human rights which is threatening and against international peace and security. Resorting to force which involves threatening or using force without the official permission of the Security Council is regarded as a definite violation of the United Nations Charter. In case of violation of national sovereignty or human rights by any of the United Nations members, the principle of resorting to force in international relations should be applied with special care so that it won’t be regarded as a violation and unilateral application of force by more powerful countries.