نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال یازدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 39، بهار 1403)

The objective of this research is to politically assess the strategic approach and positions of the Islamic Republic of Iran concerning the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the findings indicate that the mutual interests of Iran and the two major powers within the SCO, Russia, and China, in preventing American influence in Southwest Asia, particularly Central Asia, have brought them closer together within the framework of bilateral relations and also within the SCO. To counter American hegemony at the regional level and ensure its national interests against the security threats posed by the United States, the Islamic Republic of Iran has taken steps towards permanent membership in the SCO. Permanent membership in the SCO has provided structural opportunities for Iran, which, on one hand, can create a balance against American hegemony in the region with the support of the powers within this structure, and on the other hand, enhances Iran's political and security status in Central Asian equations and Middle Eastern developments. Therefore, with the aforementioned high capacities in the Middle East region, Iran has the necessary strategic capability to become a regional power.

The present study aims to examine the impact of the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategy of exporting the revolution on the geopolitics of the Middle East and the onset of the Iran-Iraq War. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that considering the internal fragility of Arab countries and the nature of the authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, which suffer from crises of identity and legitimacy, as well as the positions of Imam Khomeini, whose intent behind exporting the revolution was never to interfere in Iraq's internal affairs or to send terrorist equipment to this country, and the statements of the Ba'athist regime of Iraq, it can be concluded that the theory suggesting the Islamic Republic of Iran's strategy of exporting the revolution was the cause of the Iraq-Iran War is generally invalid and lacks scientific and definitive evidence. The primary reason for the fears and concerns of the Ba'athist regime in Iraq was the crisis-ridden nature of its system.

The present study aims to examine the political relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and India from a constructivist perspective. The research method is descriptive-explanatory, and it seeks to answer the questions: What perceptions do the foreign policy agents of Iran and India have of each other? And what are the opportunities and challenges in this relationship? The study is based on the hypothesis that the identity structure derived from the Islamic Revolution of Iran, which has extended to a structural-agent order in foreign policy, conflicts with the neoliberalism chosen by India's foreign policymakers and the ruling party. Thus, this difference in identity foundations and the structural-agent relationship in both domestic and international systems has created challenges and opportunities for both countries. Consequently, after the Islamic Revolution and Iran's withdrawal from the CENTO alliance and alignment with the West, and its joining the Non-Aligned Movement, of which India was a founding member, there was significant hope in the Islamic Republic of Iran for improved relations with India due to shared identity stemming from peaceful foreign policy and pacifism (Nehruism), which was based on non-alignment with major powers and solidarity with weaker countries. However, after the end of the Cold War and the paradigm shift in India's foreign policy from Nehruvian idealism to realism, changes in normative-identity foundations, the marginalization of the National Congress Party, the victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and closer ties with the West, the relations cooled. Therefore, it appears that the foreign policymakers of Iran and India may not be able to find intersubjective identity resources and shared values and norms to develop relations at a strategic level, which could be a challenge in the relations between the two countries.

This research, employing a descriptive-analytical method with a problem-oriented approach, examines the positive and ideological nature of the Islamic Revolution in the West Asian region as a unique phenomenon. It has managed to transform into an identity-giving model for the states and groups within the Axis of Resistance. The study adopts a developmental research approach, recognizing the Axis of Resistance as an unwritten security alliance among Shiite and non-Shiite resistance movements in West Asia and beyond, aimed at combating the Israeli regime and Western dominance in the Middle East, thereby advocating for the liberation of Palestine. From the early days of the Islamic Revolution's victory, Iran, by rejecting both Western and Eastern influences, proclaimed the formation of the "Party of the Oppressed" encompassing all the world's oppressed, positioning itself as an inspiring model for militant Muslims. Consequently, countries like Saudi Arabia, which seek to expand the Wahhabi ideology and lead the Arab world, accuse Iran of exporting the revolution and attempting to overthrow regional governments. Aligning with the West, they strive to portray Iran as a threat to regional countries, emphasizing its influence in four capitals (Beirut, Damascus, Baghdad, and Sana'a). On the other hand, the Zionist regime attempts to establish friendly relations with Iran's neighboring countries to implement its "Iranophobia" project. By infiltrating Turkey and Iraq in Iran's western borders, Azerbaijan and Central Asia in the northern borders, and the Gulf countries, especially Qatar, in the southern borders, Israel aims to encircle Iran and reduce its influence in leading the Axis of Resistance.

The objective of the present research is to explore the grounds for Arab convergence with the Zionist regime against Iran, based on Stephen Walt's Balance of Threat theory. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the results indicate that the Arabs, emphasizing Iran's security threats, have developed their relations with the Zionist regime for reasons including American support for normalizing relations, the Arabs' involvement in internal crises, the weakening of Iran's anti-Zionist ideology, the existence of rifts among Arab countries, and changes in the regional power balance through various military, political, and economic collaborations. They consider the behavioral pattern of threat balancing as the best approach towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seems that the normalization of relations between the Arabs and the Zionist regime, like other conspiracies by the Western-Hebrew-Arab triangle in recent decades, will ultimately fail. This plot will not be a concerning issue because sooner or later, it will lead to the disgrace of countries aligned with the Zionist regime and the collapse of these artificial relationships. Given that normalization of relations, at best, will not extend beyond the level of state relations with the Zionist regime, it is suggested that the Islamic Republic of Iran maintain active diplomacy to keep the issue of Palestine alive and remind the Arab governments to heed the voices of their peoples who oppose normalization with the occupying Zionist regime.

The present study aims to examine the position of the Supreme Leader in the structure of the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of a nodal point. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is based on the hypothesis that leadership, as the main factor preserving the identity and unity of the nation, plays the role of the nodal point in the existing political structure. Ayatollah Khamenei, as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, has a significant role in guiding the nation, regulating the relationships among the branches of government, and managing crises. In his capacity as a leader, with legal and supra-institutional authority, he has performed vital functions during the Islamic system's passage through crises over the past three decades. Considering the importance of the nodal point in creating a sense of integration that is identity-forming and identity-preserving, it appears that the leadership acts as a kind of junction, organizing a vast number of floating signifiers, that is, a multitude of ideological elements within a unified domain. Additionally, the Supreme Leader, in fulfilling the role of the nodal point and executing specific functions, has played a unique role in the political system of the Islamic Republic, creating synergy and unity of action among the branches of government and officials, and thereby contributing to stability, security, and progress.