پژوهش نامه ایرانی سیاست بین الملل
سال دوازدهم شماره 2 (پیاپی 24، بهار و تابستان 1403)

Today, the world is involved in complex issues and many dangers. The existence of increasing competition, diverse and conflicting cultures, power struggles and economic inequalities indicates that different actors have different goals and objectives. In fact, one of the main reasons for the growth and increasing activity of different terrorist groups can be seen as the lack of global coherence and convergence in counter-terrorism policies. This article seeks to explore the fundamental question of what is the rationale for global convergence in the fight against terrorism? This article believes that there is a strategic logic for convergence and international cooperation in the fight against terrorism, which can be seen from the approach of theories such as ancient Chinese wisdom, game theory and also in the theory of moving target and pursuing global counter-terrorism goals. Emphasizing the various strategic advantages of global convergence in the fight against terrorism, this paper seeks to conclude that countries need to reach a point of strategic understanding where mutual cooperation is a priority for mutual benefit. In other words, if there is no global convergence and cooperation to deal with terrorism, terrorism in the world will find an opportunity to attack more and create more dangers. Finally, the main solutions through which international security algorithms can improve the efficiency of advanced algorithms will be proposed.

IntroductionThe Caspian Sea region due to the presence of huge energy reserves and being located at the point of connection between the two continents of Asia and Europe; It becomes more important day by day. The interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is one of the important members of this new region, are highly dependent on the pattern governing the region and its security issues.MethodologyBy using the literature of modern regionalism and the framework of regional security complexes and a two-step exploratory hybrid research method, the indicators of this theory are first evaluated in the studied region and then using the concept of dependence. Security interdependence, in two dimensions of security conflict (negative aspect of security interdependence) and security cooperation (positive aspect of security interdependence), issues for developing research tools (questionnaire) are counted. Then, in the quantitative stage of the research, the questionnaires are evaluated by a statistical sample of 49 experts in this field.ConclusionAny military cooperation of regional countries with extra-regional powers can lead the region to a security conflict. it is necessary to pay attention to the fact that the pursuit of these issues by the newly independent countries is usually the result of the implementation of extensive exercises and the creation of new bases by the Russian Federation in the Caspian Sea region. Therefore, it can be said that if this increasing trend continues in the coming years, the movement of the Caspian Sea region towards controversial patterns is inevitable.

After a long period of diplomatic tension between Russia and Ukraine, these two countries entered into a direct military conflict at the end of February 2022. This conflict has changed a wide field of international politics to a large extent. America is seeking to expand the borders of NATO towards the western borders of Russia in order to tighten the encirclement ring of this country, this issue has caused great tension in Eastern Europe. The purpose of this article is to investigate the influential variables in the adoption of policies of the Biden government towards the 2022 war between Russia and Ukraine. Therefore, it seeks to find the answer to the question of what factors influenced the American foreign policy in response to Russia's attack on Ukraine and how can it be explained? The findings of the research show that the behavior of the American foreign policy is a mixture of which the teachings of neoclassical realism in the behavior of the American foreign policy are a mixture of the interaction of external factors (international system) and internal factors (internal structure and power and the type of perception of the decision-making elites of the American foreign policy) and it can be explained from the point of view of the neoclassical realism approach. The present research method is descriptive and analytical, using library resources and websites.

Foreign policy and providing national interests through it is one of the most basic needs and at the same time one of the most complex duties of all national governments. Throughout history, Afghanistan has also passed a difficult path to achieve national goals and interests, and taking into account its national needs and possibilities, it has adopted and followed several orientations and approaches in its foreign policy. Meanwhile, the recent 20-year period, which was associated with the establishment of the republican system and significant changes in the regional and extra-regional equations of Afghanistan, and at the same time with many threats, especially security, is of great importance in the country's foreign policy. Therefore, the present article seeks to answer the question, "What were the signs of the securitization of Afghanistan's foreign policy between 2001 and 2021 and at what levels were they represented?" The hypothesis of the research is that "one of the most prominent features of Afghanistan's foreign policy in the period under review is its security aspect, which is the adoption of a security-military approach and disarmament plans along with the advancement of the peace process at the domestic level, as well as a political-security approach and The strategic-security alliance along with lobbying in bilateral and multilateral meetings of the government and regional and extra-regional conferences at the foreign level have been one of its most important signs. In order to investigate this hypothesis, the theoretical framework of securitization and the qualitative method based on the content analysis approach have been used, and the data of this research has been extracted from library and internet sources.

The implementation of Turkey's huge dam construction projects on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Ars has caused various consequences for the neighboring countries. This action has brought reactions from the downstream governments that are directly related to the rights of these governments and the obligations of the upstream government from the perspective of international law. Although Turkey responded to these criticisms and justified the construction of dams as an internal issue within the framework of national sovereignty, but in terms of the consequences of this Turkish policy for the surrounding countries, it cannot be considered limited to national sovereignty. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to investigate the legal aspects of Turkey's dam construction (Gap and DAP) based on the logic of its consequences on the surrounding countries (Iran, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Syria and Iraq). The main question of the research is that Turkey's huge dam constructions in the form of GAP and DAP projects can be interpreted from a legal point of view with which domestic law and international law cases? which, with a descriptive-analytical method, evaluates the hypothesis that Turkey's numerous dams on the international rivers Tigris, Euphrates and Aras in the form of GAP and DAP projects, from an internal point of view, violate the first article of the rights of minorities and article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. From an international point of view, it is contrary to Article 5 of the rule of fair use in international waterway rights and in conflict with the rule of no damage, the principle of prevention and caution in international environmental law.

crisis of Azerbaijan was an event that is very important to investigate. The beginning and the end of Azerbaijan's crisis can be discussed at three levels: individual level and emphasis on the actions of those such as Ja'far Pishevari and Ahmad Qavam, national level; The role of oppression of the first Pahlavi government to the people of Azerbaijan as the cause of the crisis and the approaches of national institutions (army, parliament and government) in ending it; And finally, the international level, where the role of the Allied leaders in World War II should be emphasized as an important factor in the beginning and end of the crisis.  In this regard, this article has tried to analyze this event in the framework of the international order and the confrontation of great powers. In this framework, the question that is investigated in this research is as follows: How can the similarities and differences between the behavior of the United States and UK in the Azerbaijan crisis be analyzed? This research emphasizes that considering that the Second World War is a time when the former hegemon gives its place to the new hegemon, within the framework of Wallerstein's World-systems theory and emphasizing the concept of hegemony, it is possible to compare the behavior pattern of the two great powers of the world in this event. In this framework, this article has investigated this important event with a comparative approach and through the collection of library data.

The Special Tribunal for Lebanon, as an international court that is considered among the third generation of international criminal courts and has the authority to issue judgments in absentia, in 2020 in the case of Salim Jamil Ayash and others, has issued a sentence of conviction and punishment. In the following article, the analysis of the performance of the Lebanese special court in issuing a sentence of conviction and sentence of punishment has been discussed. hypothesis in the following lines is that the said court did not follow the legal rules as it should be for an international court. In order to verify the proposed hypothesis, the present research has been carried out with a descriptive-analytical method and with regard to collecting mostly qualitative information in a library method. The following article, through the analysis of the court's performance in the abovementioned case, has validated its hypothesis and shown that the special Tribunal for Lebanon acted weakly and without providing legal and reasonable arguments, with a superficial look at the events and not rules and with a selective approach, it has issued a sentence for conviction and similarly, it has acted very narrowly in issuing a sentence for punishment. This has never happened before in other decisions of international criminal courts. Criticism of this court procedure is the topic of the upcoming article.

Complexity in international relations and regional order have force countries as one of the strategic necessities to Pay attention to active diplomacy and collective neighborhood policy to strengthen and secure national interests. In this context, Iran as a multi-neighborhood country is facing with neighbors with geopolitical characteristics, strategic and geoeconomics dignity as well as security problems. This situation requires Iran to follow multi-neighborhood foreign policy in the form of fractal neighborhood policy and the logic of the multiplex network. Respectively, the fundamental goal of this article is to explain the status of post -revolutionary Iran's neighborhood policy in a new reading. To this end, the central question of this article is how Iran's active neighborhood foreign policy as a multi-neighborhood country can be explained in the context of the international system structure? The paper hypothesis states that the use of strategic and intelligent diplomacy in Iran’s foreign policy along with pursuing, smart synergy and attention to institutional practices lead to the construction of fractal neighborhood policy.

way that fighting it for the current generation and the international system; It has become a "natural" thing that should always be dealt with at any level and direction, this thinking has of course been popularized by the intellectual and political circles of "America" ​​and has been instilled as an undeniable "truth" to everyone. U.S.A has taken advantage of all its theoretical and practical possibilities, including discoursive, conceptual, economic, media, military… mechanisms.to convince the world that it has the upper hand in the fight against terrorism and that it is even possible to fight the basic principles of international law in the fight against this phenomenon. Therefore, by resorting to the facilities available to him, he has been able to form domination and subjugation and, in Foucault's terms, a disciplinary society. The current research seeks to analyze this domination and control with regard to the historicity of the events with Foucault's genealogical method. According to the stages of Foucault's genealogy, the present article comes to the conclusion that the "fight against terrorism" as claimed by the United States, was not so benevolent and did not aim at peace, but it is still possible to trace the interests of the United States and its hegemony in this policy. Found. Discontinuities and analysis of the origin and strength of the American foreign policy in the study of the fight against terrorism show that the United States has created the terrorist as "otherness" to build its new nature.

The decisions taken by the International Criminal Court in different steps of the proceedings may face the resistance who are mainly political, military or security officials or their suzerain states. Resistances can be divided into two types of severe (Backlash) and mild (Pushback) in essence. The first type of resistances can cause the breaking up or invalidation of decision of this institution. In contrast, mild resistances not only do not seek to break up court, but can cause reduction or elimination of possible defects of the Court’s proceedings. However, instances of these resistances may overlap each other in practice. Terminating the membership in the court or lacking of cooperation of some African governments with this institution is considered mild resistances as long as it does not lead to the breaking up of the court or serious disruption in its work. The establishment a new courts and judicial parallelism, such as the African Criminal Court for the trial of Hissene Habre, sanction of the court officials, such as the cancellation of the visas of the court’s prosecutor in the case of American crimes in Afghanistan by the US government, withdrawing jurisdiction of the court that took places by Libyan government in the case of Saif al-Islam Gaddafi and finally, obstructing along the goals of the court, which has been the policy adopted by various American governments as a non-member state of the court, based on the scope of their impact on the court proceeding and continuation of the activity of this institution or lack of it, can lead to either mild or severe resistances.

Among the reasons for the formation of the BRICS organization are the financial crises and the problems of dependence on the dollar, for this reason, the member countries of this organization have tried to increase the power of their central banks by carrying out the processes called de-dollarization. Iran is one of the countries that has become a member of the BRICS organization, and at the same time, it is under the influence of sanctions and dependence on the dollar. Therefore, the aim of the current research is the feasibility of de-dollarization of Iran's economy based on the BRICS membership based on the theory of de-dollarization. Considering that the two countries China and Russia are using their global exchange systems and both are members of BRICS, the question has been raised that according to the economic agreements of BRICS, what advantages will membership in this organization bring to Iran and how the field of dollarization for Will it provide Iran? The hypothesis of the research is that according to the activity of the global exchange systems of China and Russia in front of SWIFT, the use of BRICS economic cooperation is a suitable platform for Iran's dollarization. In order to investigate the current situation, the data from 1996 to 2020 has been analyzed using the time series technique. The findings of the research indicate that the BRICS membership, in addition to providing the basis for increasing economic exchanges, will also provide a suitable platform for de-dollarization of Iran's trade, considering the extent of partner countries in the systems of China and Russia. At the same time, it should be noted that dollarization does not mean abandoning the dollar as a currency in international exchanges, and it only refers to increasing diversity in the currency portfolio of countries.

Since February 24 (March 5, 1400), when the Russia-Ukraine war began, the confrontation between Russia and the United States in Ukraine has led to an increase in Iran's strategic importance. Considering the prolongation of the war in Ukraine, this article aims to obtain basic solutions to strengthen the capacity of Iran's media diplomacy in the war between Russia and Ukraine.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:

Experts in this field have given different definitions for media diplomacy. Abuwebo, in his definition, describes the media as a tool to express and promote foreign policy.

 The method of this article is applied in terms of purpose and in terms of qualitative nature of thematic analysis. The study includes 11 media experts. Content validity was determined using the opinions of professors and experts. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect information. Data analysis was done in two stages. At first, based on the results of the interviews, information was extracted and then coding and classification of the data was done. MaxQDA 2022 software was used to perform thematic analysis.

It showed that by using the content produced in social media, political and economic factors can be strengthened in promoting Iran's national interests.

It indicates that Iran's media diplomacy field can benefit from the opportunities created by the Ukraine war in order to develop the country's exports and imports and strengthen its hegemony as an active player.

Gaining and maintaining a superior position in the challenging geopolitics of the Middle East is one of Iran's strategic priorities, and this important goal has been realized for many years under the shadow of benefiting from the two wings of the country's military and ideological power. A position that, despite the priority of pragmatism and transformation in regional power and wealth production circuits, including economic and environmental priorities, social reforms, the emergence of new regional and extra-regional power actors, the formation of new power blocs, the priority of science and technology, etc., has a worrying perspective. To maintain Iran's regional position has been faced. A topic that using the descriptive-analytical method and regional security theory design, in the form of the question that what are the strategic-approach requirements of Iran despite the changes in the foundations and traditional bases of power in the Middle East? And the hypothesis that Iran is not exempt from the change of power equations in the Middle East and that it is necessary to review the past policies based on being limited to ideological-security competitions in order to maintain the balance and not remove the power from the multi-dimensional security in the Middle East, has been analyzed. The findings of the research show that the new Middle East, unlike Iran's idealistic and realism-oriented policies, has moved with the application of liberal and pragmatic policies and centered on hybrid power, and the traditional ideology-security tactic, despite the regional de-escalation, is to leave the outcome of the power game to the competitors, and in this direction In order to maintain regional authority, it is necessary for Iran to take measures such as efficient and trial-and-error diplomacy, the use of a multi-dimensional and knowledge-based economy, benefiting from geopolitical capacities, improving society and governance relations as the basis of foreign policy, using cultural and historical capacities and... do it.

Several decades have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and relations with the countries separated from the former Soviet Union were placed on the agenda of Iran's foreign policy apparatus from the day after the collapse. Iran made several efforts to expand strategic relations with independent political units; Efforts, most of which are defined in the form of official diplomacy. This is while the multifaceted nature of diplomatic relations has caused changes in the levels of diplomacy and political relations. From a paradiplomatic point of view, small and sub-national identities independent of central governments can play a role in the international arena. Based on this assumption, the question of this article is: "What are the strengths and weaknesses of diplomatic relations between Iran and Turkmenistan, and how does paradiplomacy help to improve and promote these relations?" In response to this research, this hypothesis is proposed that "the major damage to diplomatic relations between Tehran and Ashgabat is the exclusive focus on official diplomacy between the two countries and the neglect of new aspects in diplomatic relations, including para-diplomacy, which can be the weak points of official relations in political axes. reduce economic, cultural and social issues and improve relations between the two countries by focusing on various tools in various fields of diplomacy." Since this research is made to compare two units, the method of using it is comparative.--

Evolutionary research and Examining the research approaches are one of the important research field to understand the status of a discipline in a specific period of time and scientific community. Theoretical poverty in this field of study creates scientific ambiguity, An event that will eventually lead to the non-formation of effective thought circles. In this research, based on the interdisciplinary approach, 143 scientific research articles have been studies and the first step was taken. Based on special innovative method and using computer programming, we created a random and reiable statistical society. Also, based on the Grounded Theory research method, we found five confirmed theories that they can being a guide in future researches as indicators. The results of this research represent areas of research poverty and cases of excessive attention. In this research, we found that Iranian international relations are strongly influenced by the US foreign policy and it ignores the needs of the foreign policy doctrine of Islamic Republic of Iran. Also we realized the confusion of Iranian articles in epistemology and research method wich is caused by the lack of proper education.In this research, we did not address the causes of Iranian researchers paying too much attention to cases or their lack of attention to some issues. Finding the cause of these issues is in the field of Extra-disciplinary approach which is rooted in the environmental factors and the value system governing the thinking of Iranian international relations thinkers. The fact is that they try to distance themselves from government policy.

One of the strategies of actors, especially small actors in the hierarchy of power in the turbulent situation of the international system, is their behavioral and systemic adaptation to their environment. In other words since in the anarchic environment of the international system, there is a lot of competition for obtain limited resources between the actors of the system, and this competition ultimately leads to conflict and situations in the system in which the weak actor unable to change environmental , or the actor's limitations more than its capabilities, and in this situation, the actor tends to adapt his behavioral patterns to the existing conditions in order to avoid wasting his power in the hierarchy of power. Therefore, the research, by focusing on the adaptation mechanism in foreign policy and using a descriptive-analytical method, tries to explain the foreign policy strategies of the actors of the Persian Gulf region. The result of the present study indicates that environmental constraints lead actors to adaptive strategies and actors in the Persian Gulf region in the face of environmental constraints according to their capabilities and ideals, adopted three types of creative (Pragmatic middle actors), active (Poles of power) and passive (Weak actors) adaptation.

Afghanistan is a country with diverse ethnic minorities that have been in conflict with each other, without much emphasis on nationalism. Lack of social cohesion has led to the dominance of tribal leaders in the country. On the other hand, modern nation-state building has been introduced through the French Revolution and colonization in India. These two ideologies have resulted in a cultural shock, tug of war between tradition and modernity, and violence in Afghanistan. Nationalism, which introduces traditional values into modern clothing, is in conflict with liberalism, which emphasizes post-enlightenment ideology and development in Europe, but has not been able to bring development to Afghanistan. Nationalism has led to division and animosity between the various cultures and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, resulting in social conflicts, weak nationalism, and underdevelopment. Armed uprisings, the emergence of terrorist groups, foreign intervention, the destruction of infrastructure, and the collapse of the developmental mindset are some of the consequences of this underdevelopment. This sociological-historical research aims to answer the question of how the delay in the formation of nationalism affected the development and led to the collapse of the developmental mindset in Afghanistan. The hypothesis is that the delay in the formation of civic nationalism, weak separation of private and public spheres in the eighth constitutional law, lack of historical background to liberal teachings, the non-sociological function of global society, and continuous ethnic nationalism without regard to the past have contributed to this collapse.

The developments of the 21st century led to transformations in the world's environment in such a way that the issues related to environmental developments and events turned from a domestic issue into a global one. Therefore, in recent decades, attention has been paid to the issue of environment and the use of new policies for solving them, such as the use of clean energy policy in the process of sustainable development in many countries. Chinese and American statesmen have taken effective steps to increase the use of environmental policy in order to achieve the goals of sustainable development. The main question of this research: What role has the use of clean energy in the politics of China and the United States in order to achieve sustainable development? In response to this hypothesis, it is investigated with a comparative-historical method that China and the United States have been able to meet the goals based on the sustainable development of society by using various policies in the field of clean energy renewable. Nevertheless, it seems that China, through the use of new policies, giving priority to clean energy etc., has been able to overtake the United States in the use of renewable energy and has been able to implement a part of its sustainable development policy with the balance between energy security and environmental protection.

“Looking to the East” as an approach in Iran’s foreign policy has been proposed during the last two decades. In parallel with the tightening of international sanctions on Iran and escalation of economic and political restrictions on Iran's international interactions, this approach received more attention in the theoretical and political sphere. The refusal of Europe and America to cooperate in the political, economic and security levels in one hand and expanding Iran's cooperation with countries such as China, Russia and India during recent years in other hand and also the emergence of the East in international economic and strategic affairs are the most important reasons for adopting this approach by Iran. Due to the failure of this policy in achieving its expected goals during the past years and regarding its position in Iran's foreign policy, it is obvious that along with the system factors and variables, features derived from ideology, discourse and strategic culture have played a role in the desirability of this approach. Based on this assumption, this article tries to evaluate the policy using the layered causal analysis approach at the four levels of objectivity, system, discourse and worldview, and finally Iranian political and identity myths and metaphors in order to understand the foundations of the Looking to the East policy. Surveys show the distance between the ideal point of the Islamic Republic of Iran to pursue the look to the east policy and the current situation. From the strategic foresight viewpoint this is rooted in the lowest levels, the "worldviews and metaphors and myths layers. In this sense, the existence of resources for differentiation and non-sharing these layers, along with the lack of common understanding about issues, challenges and opportunities, and especially the weakness in establishing a common cultural and identity context, has defined the policy as a react to systemic pressures and also trying to advance specific agendas in the field of foreign relations not an independent strategy.

This research tries to investigate the conceptual context of the foreign policy of the 13th government by using the theoretical framework of cognitive linguistics and the " Pragglejaz" method. The most fundamental strategy of the 13th government's foreign policy is justice-oriented order and solving international issues based on order and justice. Obstacles in reaching this goal may slow down or stop the desired path. The understanding of this path can be represented and understood in the speeches and context of the government. The main question is, what conceptual metaphors has the 13th government used in the discourse of justice-oriented order? The hypothesis is that the "path" metaphor is the most frequent concept in the discourse of Mr. Raisi's government. The findings show that unfair relations, injustice, and discrimination due to the "mind" and the "global capitalist system" centered on the United States prevent the achievement of this path; This obstacle can be rebuilt by creating a "jihadi transformation". The results show that language expressions and mental space in the foreign policy apparatus are structures that create "meaning" between the "addressee" and "others" through direct correlation with events.

The right to life and the idea of human dignity play a very important role in the emergence of new legal rules and systems. It is in the light of this idea that today we are witnessing the development and establishment of new legal rules and systems such as "International Human Rights System" and "International Criminal Law". Committing to the right to life will result in conditions such as the criminal responsibility of governments. The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, based on Article 2 of the Convention, contains the important content that the right to life of all people must be protected by law and no one should be deliberately deprived of their right to life; except when executing the court order. The existential philosophy of Article 2 is to guarantee the right to life in every possible way. This is despite the fact that Article 2 does not only include intentional murder, but also includes situations in which the use of force causes the loss of life. In this situation, the use of lethal force is actually an example of intentional murder. Thus, according to the practice of the European Court of Human Rights, cases of violation of Article 2 of the Convention, not only include the killing of a person, but also include any danger to a person's life as being subject to the criminal responsibility of governments.