پژوهش نامه ایرانی سیاست بین الملل
سال سیزدهم شماره 1 (پیاپی 25، پاییز و زمستان 1403)

Being among the world's biggest debtors in the 1980s, Brazil made progress and developed at an unparalleled pace since the mid-1990s with economic reforms. This article aims to examine the Brazilian trade policy process and its relation with Iran. By applying the theory of complex interdependence, it was found that while abandoning the tradition of protectionism and the tendency to integrate into the global geo-economy, it diversified its partners in the form of trade agreements, reduced reliance on Mercosur, strengthened The entry of foreign capital and the presence of Brazilian investors oversees, trade multilateralism, the reduction of tariff rates and non-tariff barriers; On the other hand, the necessity of concluding preferential and especially free trade agreements between Iran and Brazil, creating export capacity due to the complementarity of the economies of the two countries, as well as overcoming challenges such as tariff rates and cooperation in the direction of multilateralism in the form of institutions such as BRICS, are opportunities that could shape Iranian trade policy towards Brazil.

There is a significant difference of opinion about the interaction and the relationship between ethics and responsibility of the government in the issue of immigration and asylum seeking. Some, like universalists, believe in the extensive responsibility of governments to create the necessary conditions for these people, and others, like statists, believe in the limited responsibility of governments in organizing this area. The contemporary philosopher Michael Walzer has a clear position in this area. His ideas are an evolutionary and dialectical combination of the responsibility of the national government and international ethics. Therefore, this article, based on this dominant duality in the philosophical-political approaches to immigration and asylum-seeking, and in particular Michael Walzer's approach, seeks an explanatory answer to the basic question: what relationship between the responsibility of the state and the international moral issue can be the basis for policy-making in the issue of asylum migration? In order to answer this question, we will first briefly explain the state-centered and universalist debate on immigration and asylum-seeking, and then explain our critique of it by explaining the combined ideas of Michael Walzer.

Relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have fluctuated between conflict, competition and limited cooperation during the past few decades. Often, the competition and conflict of these two actors are analyzed based on ideological or geopolitical approaches and their cooperation based on regionalism theories and based on the structure of the international system, but the investigation of the understanding and perception of their political and military elites is mostly ignored. This research seeks to investigate the effect of these signals on the conflict, the prolongation of negotiations, the speed of recent agreements and the future of the relations between the two actors by examining the statements and behavior of the political-military elites of the two countries. The main question that is raised is: What effect did the signals sent by the political-military elites of Iran and Saudi Arabia have on their relations? In response to the above question, within the framework of signaling theory and with the method of qualitative content analysis, this hypothesis is proposed that: the signals sent by the political-military elites and the behavior of Iran and Saudi Arabia towards each other have caused the elites of the two countries to perceive threats based on have each other and this has led to prolonged negotiations and as a result intensifying competition and conflict between them and at other times these signals are based on cooperation and non-zero sum game that brings two actors closer to each other and agreements between They are formed. According to the experience of such ups and downs in sending signals, it is expected that the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia will fluctuate in the medium term with the transition from conflict to competition and limited cooperation

Combined war is known as one of the newest methods of fighting in the current era in the conflicts of countries. Non-linear, insurgency-oriented or limited war is one of the titles used for it. In the war between Russia and Ukraine, which includes military, cyber, intelligence, etc. dimensions, the use of combined warfare has been prioritized by both countries. Russia, as a great power, has started a conflict with a country that is not very prominent in wars, which has not achieved some goals in addition to its progress. Western aid to Ukraine, the formation of operational cyber war units, information war, influence, etc. are all concepts that play a role in this. The current research will answer a question with this theme: How effective was the process of actions, the extent of Russia's power and its progress in the combined war against Ukraine? The hypothesis has been expressed as an answer to it, factors such as weak military planning, low combat readiness, Western aid in various offensive, defensive and cyber fields, infiltration of the warring forces such as the Wagner group, are among the factors. which have caused the erosion of the Russian army in the Ukraine war, and along with the progress, they have also caused setbacks for Russia. Qualitative-analytical method, based on library documents and international scientific journals, is the method used in writing this research. Finally, the findings of the project stated that due to some miscalculations, Russia is involved in a war of attrition, which will sink into its swamp if there is no reasonable and acceptable solution.

One of the prominent axes of the Raisi administration's foreign policy is the pursuit of looking east approach. Both the president and other Iranian officials have continuously emphasized the importance of these relations and their expansion. The government's will to develop relations with China and Russia arises this question: which factors were effective in choosing the policy of looking east by the Raisi administration? The hypothesis of the research considers the Iranian president's belonging to the fundamentalist faction and systemic support for him to be effective in pursuing the approach of looking to the east. To answer the main question, coherence theory of James Rosenau and the causal method have been used. Also, research data were collected through a library method. The findings of the research showed that the approach of looking to the east was a choice by the Raisi administration and it’s not a coercion arising from the international system. The belonging of Ebrahim Raisi and his cabinet members to the fundamentalist faction, the preference of this faction to develop relations with the East and highlight the conflict with the West, systemic support of the looking to the East approach, and the presentation of Raisi as a revolutionary person, supporter of Islamic norms, a supporter of Velayat al-Faqih and an anti-Western president by advocators have been effective in the formation of this foreign policy.

Theoretical predictions, international procedures and empirical proofs and evidences reveal a deep and fast transition in international system wherein emerging global powers and regional complexes are challenging the classic structure of power. The convergence of China-Iran powers can be explained in this framework. Inadequate perception of this relation in national and international levels and the overemphasis of previous studies on the variables of United States as well as some methodological and epistemological deficiencies has prevented a compressive analysis of this relation. Thus, the current research has employed role theory in international relations and used a mixed method of phenomenographic and analysis of crossed-impacts through elite and software validation to bring about a valid interpretation of Chinese approach toward Iran. It was revealed that the Beijing’s approach is consisted of two structural (containing 10 variables) and ideational (containing 5 variables) dimensions that result in creation of “Great Power-Middle Power” and “Assisting Stakeholder” roles. It was also found that the system of the relationship between the two countries is stable, without risk variables and difficult to change.

Today, liberal democracy has faced challenges including populism. As a populist person or party comes to power, a populist foreign policy with special characteristics in any country, including the United States, emerges. Within this context, Trump had deep impact on the country's foreign policy with his populist slogan, like "America First", his nationalist populism approach, and a conflict between the structure and the agent arose. From this perspective, the main question of this research is how Trump made the American establishment as the Other for its populist foreign policy. The hypothesis of this research is that Trump made the establishment as a major Other to his populist foreign policy through the creation of a bipolar atmosphere and confrontation between the structure and the agent, and the unfavorable conditions of the structure and the existing status of the liberal international order. The paper explains how Trump made the establishment as a sublime Other of his foreign policy by using the paradigm of neoclassical realism, the process tracing method, and by referring to sources and written documents about populism and American foreign policy in the Trump era.

In armed conflicts, some people always participate in conflicts for various reasons; if the motivation of these people is not material gain, such people are called warriors. The presence of foreign fighters in armed conflicts has effects and consequences such as destabilizing governments, spreading terrorism and arms smuggling. This research was compiled with the aim of investigating the international responsibility of governments in dealing with foreign fighters using a descriptive and analytical method and using library resources. The findings indicate that various conventions have been approved to fight foreign fighters and prevent terrorism, and to confront governments with foreign fighters and their destructive actions. The Fifth Hague Convention of 1907 and the Convention on Combating the Financing of Terrorism of 1999 and Resolution 2178 and Binding Resolution No. 1373 dated September 28, 2001 of the Security Council and the International Government Responsibility Plan, Article 34 and Article 31, Paragraph 2, the injured state is required to compensate both material losses and are spiritual and according to international obligations, especially the Vienna Conventions 7927 and 7921 and the September 8, 1923 Convention, governments are responsible not only for actions but also for omissions. Therefore, the research results show that the fighters are not responsible for their actions. International law requires states to respect the legal and legal interests of other states. Otherwise, the offending governments are responsible for not maintaining international security, and in case of damage to other governments or citizens of those countries, they are required to compensate for the damage.

International relations theories can be divided into theories of foreign policy and international politics . Although there is a close relationship between the theories of foreign policy and international politics and these two are not separate, however, these two cannot be considered the same. Foreign policy theories seek to analyze, explain and predict the foreign behavior of governments and various factors influencing it, while international politics theories seek to explain what, how and the effects of interactions between governments in an environment called the international system. One of the most recent realist theories of foreign policy is the theory of neoclassical realism. This theory uses a combination of structural realism's macro view and classical realism's micro view.This theory uses a combination of the macro view of structural realism and the micro view of classical realism and considers foreign policy as a product of the interaction of structural and domestic factors. Emphasis on systemic limitations along with non-systemic selectors; The explanatory power of this theory has increased. Some thinkers (known as the third generation of neoclassical realism) have sought to rewrite and advance this theory as a theory of international politics.The question of this article is: neoclassical realism from the beginning of its emergence and expression as a theory complementary to structural realism, until recent years when it has been restructured as a new theory of international politics; What changes and transformations, in what dimensions, has it gone through?The importance of this issue is especially due to the fact that this theory is less known in Iran, and it is known only as a foreign policy theory, while the scope of this theory is much wider. In this article, by describing the opinions of the main thinkers of neoclassical realism and with an explanatory-analytical method, this question will be answered: neoclassical realism from the beginning of its appearance as a complementary theory to structural realism, until recent years, when it has been restructured as a new theory of international politics; What changes and transformations has it gone through? The main hypothesis is that over time, neoclassical realism has moved towards eclectic, multi-level and interdisciplinary analysis and has moved away from the realist hard core. The research method is analytical-explanatory; with a theoretical approach.

The right to freedom of assembly is one of the most important human rights and the components of political participation of citizens to achieve economic, social and cultural rights in a democratic government. Human rights activists believe that the European Court of Human Rights has played an irreplaceable role in the gradual development of the conceptual and operational definition of rights. In this Paper, the researchers are trying to examine the different opinions of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the right to freedom of assembly; examine the procedure of the judges of this court. Therefore, the main question raised in this research is: "To what extent have the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights been effective in the development of the right to freedom of assembly?" And in the conclusion of this hypothesis of the authors, it has been confirmed that: "The European Court of Human Rights plays an influential role in the development of the right of associations, although gradually and slowly". The achievement of the research is based on the spirit and meaning of the theory of "idea equal to the legal and judicial approach", based on this idea has focused that it is possible to achieve a "common definition" of human rights through the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, and therefore has recommended to achieve it through the interpretations of the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights. This research is descriptive-analytical and follows a developmental goal.

The purpose of this research is to present the structural-interpretative model of the Taliban in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The research method is quantitative-qualitative. In the qualitative part, in order to identify influential factors, the content analysis method, literature review, and exploratory interviews with 28 experts in the fields of political science, geopolitics, international relations, and regional studies were used. The non-random method with the snowball technique was used to select experts until reaching theoretical saturation. The statistical population in the quantitative part was 85 experts, researchers, and researchers who were estimated by simple random sampling. The Delphi method was used to screen and select the factors, and among the 17 identified factors, 15 elements were selected. Using exploratory factor analysis, the factors were determined in the form of the three main factors of the moderate Islamic state, the effort for ethnic unity in Afghanistan, and the strengthened social and popular base. Also, for leveling, the structural modeling-interpretive method has been used, which is placed in the first level - the moderate Islamic state, the second level is the effort for ethnic unity in Afghanistan, and the third level is the strengthening of the social and popular base. According to the graph of the power of influence and degree of dependence, all three factors were placed in the autonomous region, which has low power of influence and degree of dependence and will have little influence and permeability.

The US Marshal Plan to reconstruct the war affected Europe was introduced and implemented after WWII, presenting for the first time the concept of ¨Development Aid” in international relations. Designed to achieve reconstruction and stability creation in Europe, it could secure Soviet Union containment, one of the American strategic objectives. In other times and subject to circumstances, development assistance has been used to guarantee national interests US foreign policy has always pursued political, socio-economic and cultural changes in developing countries in accordance with its national interests. This research is meant to find out type of changes US has created in the Middle East, Africa, Latin America and South East Asia in the period of 2000-2020 through its development assistance scheme. Based on the school of thought dominating the US hegemonic position, structural or non-structural changes have been promoted in developing countries. Bush and Obama administrations have tried to make structural changes in developing countries and create socio- political order similar to American system, following Wilsonian tradition, while Trump Jacsonian- Jefersonian state has not had a priority to change situation in the developing world. Therefore, it could be concluded that the reception of US development assistance might end causing existential changes in the aid receiving country.

The geo-economic and geo-strategic importance of international straits has made world powers such as China consider it inevitable to try to gain some influence in such vital arteries. The current research, using a qualitative method with a document analysis approach, is trying to answer the question, what is the position of the Bab al-Mandab Strait in the strategic view of China? From an economic point of view, this strait is the main link between East Asia and the Horn of Africa, the Suez Canal, the Mediterranean and finally European countries. The lack of access to the strait is a challenge and obstacle on the way to the new Silk Road; Because both the long-term plan of this country for economic influence in the African continent through the horn of this region will face problems and also because focusing on the alternative route, i.e. the Cape of Good Hope, multiplies the distance and cost of reaching the European continent. . From a political point of view, the presence in Bab al-Mandab is related to China's effort and stable competition against the United States in the vicinity of the strait and the possibility of Washington threatening this country's interests in the future. The result is that China's hardware or military plans and software and development-oriented efforts in the two countries adjacent to Bab-al-Mandeb, namely Djibouti, focusing on the development of the multi-purpose economic and military port of Durala, and Yemen, focusing on strengthening the infrastructure of Aden ports. , Al-Makha and trying to penetrate Prim Island on the one hand and avoiding entering into regional crises on the other hand, can be evaluated in order to guarantee and consolidate economic and political goals.

This paper tends to investigate new geopolitical and geo-economic dynamics of the South Caucasus based on the second Karabakh War and the Russia-Ukraine War (2022) with a focus on the Zangzor Corridor project. The importance of the research lies in the fact that so far most of the research conducted in this field has been examined based on the classical theories of international relations literature. However, with the intensification of the war between Russia and Ukraine (2022) more attention is paid to alternative and safe routes, including alternative transit routes in the South Caucasus due to its intermediate position in the neighboring regional systems. Accordingly, the main question the paper tries to answer based on the analytical model of Multiplex Networked Regionalism is what the effect of the Multiplex Networked Regionalism of Russia and Turkey is on the Zangzor Corridor project. The main dissertation is that Multiplex Networked Regionalism of Russia and Turkey due to the interference of their regional policies in the South Caucasus and the formation of complementary behavioral patterns with partners and a strategic alternative for competitors can better meet the existing realities and explain the behavior patterns of the two actors in a structured and multifaceted manner.

The relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia underwent fundamental changes after the Islamic Revolution, and since then,they have been regulated by successive tensions and crises, and have rarely been normal. The geostrategic, geopolitical, geoeconomic and geocultural positions of the two countries have made their relations very important for the region and the world, therefore,many researchers have focused on the relations between the two countries. But the thing to consider is that the vast majority of these researchers, both domestic and foreign,have analyzed the ups and downs relations between the two countries from the perspective of realism and considered the crisis and reoccurrence of crisis in their relations as a function of the principles and assumptions of realism and have analyzed. While the national interests and foreign policy and consequently the conflicts and crises of the two countries are the product of deep social and identity structures,and incidentally,the assumptions of realism are also understood based on the conflicting social and identity elements of the two countries. This research, with a side view of social construction and constructivism,is a conflict reading on the application of realism in their relationships. Therefore, the main question of this research is,is the paradigm of realism capable of explaining the successive crises in the relations between the two countries? The research data has seriously challenged the application of realism theory and questioned its jurisdiction. Analytical and descriptive method is used in this research and the method of data collection is documentary and library.

The Zange Zor Corridor is a strategic, political and economic corridor that the Republic of Azerbaijan proposed after the Second Karabakh War in 2020.Analyzing the impact of creating this corridor on the political and economic security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the main goal of this research. The main question of the research is what effect the creation of Zange Zor Corridor has on the political and economic security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. To answer the research question, the hypothesis can be explained in this way that the creation of Zange Zor Corridor, followed by geopolitical and geo-economics changes that can be accompanied by challenges and opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran; But it seems that its security challenges are far more than its opportunities,. To better explain this article and equip it with a coherent framework among theories, the theory of the Copenhagen school was used and it was tried to analyze and evaluate the impact of Zange Zor Corridor on the security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran by using different aspects of this theory, especially in two political and economic dimensions. This research is of a descriptive-analytical type and library sources and internet scanning have been used to collect data.