نشریه سیاست پژوهی اسلامی ایرانی
سال دوم شماره 4 (پیاپی 8، زمستان 1402)

The status of women in the Qajar period was such that they were deprived of the smallest social, economic, cultural and political rights and were under severe restrictions caused by the patriarchal society. One of the most important reasons that put women in that situation was illiteracy, lack of awareness and lack of communication with society. For this reason, one of the first measures taken by modern women was the construction of girls' schools and efforts to educate girls and women. Although the establishment of girls' schools in that environment was met with protest and reaction from the traditional society, but gradually, especially after the constitutional revolution, it spread and had beneficial effects on the status of women. The aim of the current research is to investigate the results and consequences of the establishment and gradual expansion of educational institutions on the status of women at this stage. Therefore, the question is, what effect did educational institutions have on the status of women in the Qajar period? The hypothesis is that educational institutions, including girls' schools, have caused literacy and, as a result, the growth of awareness, change of attitude and efforts to play a greater role for women in society. The findings of the research show that the submissive and undemanding women of the Qajar period, upon entering the Pahlavi period, turned into demanding women who raised demands such as the right to enter society and employment. The present research method is descriptive-analytical and the data were collected in a library manner.

One of the approaches that political science thinkers can use to examine the structure and performance of governments, political culture, and the collective unconscious of nations, especially in developing countries, is the analytical-political analytical approach. Analyzing the theory of political psychoanalysis, reducing it to basic concepts, and how to use it in scientific research is one of the main goals of this research. The main question of this research is how to use and apply the political psychoanalytical approach in the field of political science? The claim and assumption of this research are that it is possible to use the knowledge of political psychoanalysis in different fields of political science, and by removing incompatible aspects, this method can be used to analyze political research. This article is organized with a descriptive-analytical method and claims that the application of the political psychoanalytical approach in the field of politics opens new horizons for researchers and brings important theoretical results. In this article, we discuss the application of the fundamental concepts and some epistemological achievements of the political psychoanalysis approach. We also conclude some unknown dimensions of societies and political actions by relying on political psychoanalysis and decentralization of the subject and parties. It achieves a deeper understanding of political phenomena in the symbolic order, language, and a set of signs. Approach.

Women's political participation has different levels.One ofthe most important of them is the participation of elite women in political affairs.In order to understand this participation,one should pay attention to various factors, and also consider its different types in order to provide a more accurate analysis.This participation goes beyond merely participating in elections and voting rights or participating in political activities.Presence in the political elite(in this study,the Islamic Council)is very important for measuring women's political participation.In this research,this type of participation, considering the patriarchal model of the revolution,which is aimed at analyzing the situation of women after the Islamic revolution,has been measured and by using the comparative method,the three important components of this theory,namely"patriarchy","inequality"and"housekeeping"will be adapted to the situation of women's political participation. The findings of the research show that despite the expansion of women's presence in society, especially at the elite level (due to the increase in the level of education and employment), the presence of women at the political elite level and their participation at this level has not expanded much. Therefore, the components of the mentioned theory do not correspond to reality in the general situation of women, but it applies to the level of women's political participation.

Kant is one of the most important philosophers of the West who, by expressing the limitations of rational thinking while showing reason in a disciplined way, challenges the fundamentalism that had dominated Western philosophical thinking for some time. He believes that reason is incapable of interfering in all fields. In Kant's philosophy, reason is the highest power of the soul and rational knowledge is the highest level of knowledge. So, the most basic human characteristic is rationality or wisdom, which is the basis of his innate generosity and honor. But Iqbal considers intelligence to be a divine blessing and intends to interpret the world and find out the meaning of life based on a coherent religious thought system consisting of three sources of knowledge, i.e., nature, history and experience. In this article, an attempt was made to determine the commonalities and differences of their thoughts about the interpretation of human life by examining the meaning network of each thinker. The findings indicate that by separating the practical reason from the theoretical reason in the first step, Kant evaluates it as capable of distinguishing morality and action from morality, and it gives mankind the possibility to establish a universal and valid morality. slow and prevents morality from becoming a relative thing, and so that reason does not make mistakes in recognizing morality, it introduces criteria based on which it is possible to distinguish moral behavior from immoral behavior. On the other hand, the most important feature of Iqbal's thought is his critical and tradition-breaking side. He does not consider the human intellect alone to be able to understand the nature of existence, and he considers the need for human connection with life to interpret the world, and the highest level of awareness and thinking of philosophers comes from their ultimate instincts.

This article reviews the book Democracy and Moral Conflict Written by Robert B. Talisse. Talisse in the crisis of democracy, which is a Hobbesian natural state, offered the alternative to the standard views of democratic political philosophers who believe that the democracy derived from some decidedly moral commitment. But he argued, there is good reason to think that, under current conditions, these values among citizens are essentially controversial. By contrast, the case for democratic politics which he proposed in this book draws from principles that are epistemic rather than moral and he called it folk epistemology. Talisse is a liberal democratic philosopher, but his method and solution to this crisis is Hobbesian, the separation of ethics and politics. However, he did not propose 'absolute state', but 'dialogical democracy'. Hence, a dialogical democracy requires the state to pursue the cultivation of certain epistemic capabilities among its citizens. Talisse's alternative is Hobbesian: New Leviathan.

A discourse leaving its own discourse order and entering the political discourse order takes place due to its stimulation by one of the active discourses in the political discourse order. The meaning of being provoked is that this inactive discourse is placed in an alienating relationship with the ruling discourse in the political discourse order, and the ruling discourse tries to find an identity by rejecting it. From the day of the constitutional revolution until today, different and conflicting narratives of the evolution of the concept of identity are presented. We are different types and forms of nationalism and sense of religious, cultural, ethnic and political belonging. IN this research, an approach and understanding of politics is presented in the form of the "discourse transformation" model, according to which, sociological developments and new orders in society and the liberation of the subject's abilities, which through the establishment of pre-identities Certain and completely objective social relations that have been suppressed. It is possible to appear. : Affected by the importance of central ideas in the field of individual and civil rights, as well as the centralization of new and critical thoughts regarding citizens' freedom and right to choose, witnessing an increase in the focus on citizens' individuality and subjectivity. [Individual] We are them.

travelogues are an important channel for identifying and introducing the relations governing the era that the travelogue narrates. An important part of these relationships are the concepts and institutions that the travel writer has described as a symbol of the apparent difference between the West and the East. Considering the significant cognitive gap between the spatial container of the minds of the authors of these travelogues and the historical space of the subject of the travelogue writers' narrative and considering the newness of the major part of established and conventional legal concepts and institutions in the time and place of the subject of these travelogues, understanding the narrative The travelogues of these concepts and institutions allow us to get acquainted with their historical background. The description of the authors of these travelogues is descriptive and limited to the appearances of institutions and legal concepts, and all the travelogues who are the subject of this research had no knowledge of the theoretical foundations and background of these concepts and institutions, and only Abdul Latif Shoushtari made scattered references to the break between the old and the new in their thoughts. and the theoretical foundations of these concepts and institutions. In general, the predominance of genre and historical narrative and the lack of theoretical and analytical reflection is the common feature of all these travelogues.

Today, the institution of political representation is accepted as one of the most important theoretical and fundamental foundations in the field of public law in all systems based on democracy. with the introduction of this modern concept in Iran's public law which coincided with the constitutional era, there have been many debates about what is this modern institution that the result of such approaches, most of which have been based on the acceptance or non-acceptance of the modern institution of representation based on the principles and criteria of figh. In a different perspective, the authors of this article have sought to answer this question by considering the specific characteristics of the institution of representation in the field of public law, what has been the attitude of Iranian public law towards this modern institution in the constitutional era? This research intends to answer this question by descriptive-analytical research method and using library resources. The findings of this study indicate that the issue of the concept of representation as a modern legal establishment in Iranian public law and the theories presented about it has various objections and ambiguities. Therefore, what seems to be a hypothesis in the minds of the authors of this article, is the lack of legal analysis of the institution of representation and the dispersion of related issues, especially the adaptation of this modern institution to the concept of advocacy. Therefore, this study, while taking a brief look at the concept of representation in Iran, has explained and examined the background of formation and contexts of the development of this modern institution from the perspective of public law.