نشریه سیاست پژوهی اسلامی ایرانی
سال سوم شماره 4 (پیاپی 12، زمستان 1403)

The purpose of the current research is the genealogy of the first and second programs of economic, social and cultural development after the revolution based on the theory of "development as freedom" by Amartyasen. This research was carried out using quantitative and qualitative content analysis methods and the research population is five programs in Iran before the Islamic Revolution and six development programs in Iran after the Islamic Revolution until now. The research example is the first and second development programs after the Islamic revolution. In Amartiasen's understanding of development, freedom is both the goal and the means to achieve development. Freedom has intrinsic importance for the richness of human life, which is limited by factors (such as poverty, unequal economic opportunities, lack of social security, etc.). In fact, development means removing these restrictions and unfreedoms. The results of this research indicate that the policy-makers' approach in designing the first and second programs after the revolution was mainly based on the welfare perspective and the humanitarian indicators in these two programs were less local than the Arabs.

The constitutional revolution began at the end of the Qajar era as a movement to overthrow the authoritarian system and establish democracy and reached its peak with the issuance of the constitutional decree. The approval of the first constitution and the formation of the National Assembly are among the key achievements of this revolution. Meanwhile, the role of scholars and intellectuals in providing the necessary grounds for the formation and advancement of this movement was very prominent. influential figures of this era was Sheikh Ahmed Torbati, known as Sultan al-Ulama. As one of the supporters of the constitution, after the victory of this movement, he published the newspaper "Ruh al-Quds" in TehranTradition and modernity, which are essentially in conflict with each other, caused the institution of the clergy to be affected by this conflict. The clergy, which had a religious and religious role until then, faced new issues and challenges that had a non-religious aspect and targeted the principle of religion and traditional beliefs. This conflict intensified with the arrival of modernity and the inability of Iranians to respond appropriately to new crises. The Constitutional Revolution is considered as the turning point of Iran's entry into this period of conflict between modernity and tradition, which led to the creation of deep divisions among political forces, including the clergy. T. The results show that this newspaper, by using religious language and political literature, was able to provide social and intellectual grounds for dealing with tyranny and establishing constitutionalism

Legitimacy theories describe and analyze how a system of governance is entitled to government with the acceptance and consent of the subjects. These theories explain how a crisis in the legitimacy of a political system can lead to change and transformation of governance. From this perspective, the Iranian Constitutional Revolution indicates a crisis in the legitimacy of the Qajar absolute and patriarchal rule. The main question of this article is what was the theory of legitimacy on which the Iranian constitutionalists based the new political system? Therefore, it seeks to examine this category in the constitutional law. An examination of the constitution and the constitutional amendment shows that legitimacy in the constitutional system of governance in Iran, in accordance with the theories of legitimacy, is consistent with the theories of legal and democratic legitimacy due to its reliance on the law and the will of the people. However, by recognizing the absolute monarchy, it also confirms the idea of ​​traditional legitimacy within the framework of legal legitimacy.

This study aims to understand how the Iranian presidential elections were reflected in newspapers belonging to the two fundamentalist and reformist factions. The time frame of the present study is two weeks before and one week after the Iranian presidential elections from 1376 to 1400. Statistical sampling of this population is based on selecting statements that are in line with the research objective and questions and have been identified and analyzed in the texts of these newspapers. The research sampling method is purposeful non-random sampling. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on Norman Fairclough's theory of critical discourse analysis and is based on two parts of intertextual and interdiscursive analysis. The data analysis method is based on a five-level operational model known as PEDMA. This study showed that fundamentalist media, with the main signifier of Velayat-e-Faqih, believe in top-down installation and legitimacy. They emphasize strengthening Islamism more than republicanism, and believe in the need for discretionary supervision, and they strengthen and encourage political participation in a mobilization-oriented manner. On the other hand, the main signifier of the reformist media is formed around the main signifier of the people and considers the legitimacy of the government from the bottom up. It emphasizes the importance of the republic and believes less in discretionary oversight and encourages and strengthens political participation from voting in elections to establishing associations and activity in the press and trade union activities.

This research is an interdisciplinary study (literature, politics, and psychology) to present a narrative of the ancient Iranian epic in the field of political evolution in Iran. In the evaluations, the psychoanalysis of heroism and the type of reading of the text and its related contexts in the power structure are mentioned. The main question is, "What lessons and benefits does the application of Hornay's and Barths' theories in the analysis of the heroism narrative and the reading of the Shahnameh text of Ferdowsi in this regard entail for strengthening and sustaining the social, cultural, and national foundations of Iran?" According to the findings, Hornay's theory of the three personality types, due to its location in the field of behavioral disorders, does not have the necessary ability to classify the narrative or the heroism character in Shahnameh. In the final analysis, it is necessary to refer to Barths' theory in reading the matter in a plural way by interpreting different narratives. The characters of Shahnameh introduce positive moral characteristics in the health of thought, action, and speech, which are the pillars of strengthening the social, cultural, and national foundations of Iranians. The article is conducted using a descriptive-analytical method and library information.

The National Assembly plays an important role in the contemporary history of Iran. With the formation of this assembly, Iran entered one of the most important periods in its history, in which the political system was rebuilt in a different way and with modern functions. In the meantime, the role of the assembly as an important state institution that was at the center of the government is of great importance. In this article, using a systems analysis, we examine the performance of the first five assemblies of the National Assembly and raise the question of what role these assemblies had in the new political system of Iran and how their performance in this field contributed to the political development in Iran at that time. The most important achievement of this research is that these assemblies, by enacting modern laws and considering their inherent duties, before the coming to power of the Pahlavi government and the reign of Reza Shah, while taking advantage of the environment around them, tried to have a prominent position in creating balance in the political system and the outputs of these assemblies were based on limiting power as much as possible, although in the last one or two assemblies due to the rise of Reza Khan, this had become less important.