فصلنامه گلستان هنر
سال هشتم شماره 2 (پیاپی 26، پاییز و زمستان 1402)

Every garden owes its formation and life to water. Nonetheless, the relation between garden and the region where it’s been located exerts influence upon the role of water. Giving insufficient attention to region, its cultivation, causing vast demolition, changes in gardens’ formation process and not taking the differences among various types very seriously have all led to paying more attention to the interiors. Such unwelcome attention not only has brought about the demolition of historic gardens’ surroundings, but spoiled our understanding of water and qanāts (subterranean canals) as substructures of life in the vast plateau of Iran.
In the present article a classic type of garden formed by qanāt has been studied, so that the role of qanāt and its relationship with the formation of garden will be revealed. First, by referring to the connection among garden, cultivation and different types of agriculture and planting, a kind of water-required agriculture in mountainous areas is introduced. The garden and district of Fin are considered an old example for this type of agriculture. Such a type is among the various ones applied in the central plateau of Iran, containing many basins. A study on the historical background of Fin and the features of the earth there demonstrates that the region is an oasis in front of an alluvial fan located on the slope of mountain. It plays a significant role in the formation of the village or habitat of Fin. In this article water sources of Kāshān and the qanāt technology have been studied briefly to show us where the origin of Fin or Solaymān spring is, and how water is transmitted to the Fin. Furthermore, historical geography resources have been examined to demonstrate that the most important features of the district have strong connections with Fin spring. The condition of the district has also been studied during the Qājār era from which accurate information is available. In this case, historical sources help the manifestation of a general picture of different elements formed in the Fin district.
In order to complete the mentioned picture, the Fin spring and related hydraulic structures as well as gardens’ surroundings and farms have been studied according to aerial photos and field studies. The result of the study reveals an environmental structure composed of the original historic garden; qanāt series; other gardens including formal ones, garden-houses and fruit gardens; farms; hydraulic structures such as water partings, watermills and levees. A combination of such elements in a piece of land located on desert on the slope of mountain offers the opportunity to live in an arid area. In the last section of the article the role of water would be studied inside gardens and the related hydraulic structures. This section is relevant to the aforementioned topics as well as to qanāt water, however having a different scale. A comparison of the two scales reveals that the role of water is far beyond the garden walls, extending on the area the garden has been located on.  The results show as well that all the related elements to qanāt water and the mentioned environment are interconnected

Abdollāh Tabbākh Heravi was a 9th AH/15th AD century calligrapher who worked at the Timurid kitābatkhāneh (transcription center) in Herat. He was an apprentice of Ja’far Bāysonquri. In addition to the application of the aqlāme sitteh (the six pens), he was also fairly skilled at nasta’liq script. The climax of his artistic career coincides with uproars in Herat and consequently, the dispersal of artists from Bāysonqur’s workshop. Therefore, he could be regarded as a connection between two periods of heyday at Herat court. Today a Quranic manuscript in his handwriting is preserved in Āstāne Qods Razavi, Mashhad. This manuscript has been accomplished on the order of Alāod-dawleh, Bāysonqur’s son, and the deputy, Shāhrokh Teymuri in 845 AH/1442 AD. The present essay examines the status of Abdollāh Tabbākh Heravi in the Timurid history of calligraphy, and does so the mentioned Quran and its particular features.

The Rāhat-os-Sodur by Rāvandi is not considered an independent source of social or cultural history, and it is just regarded as a book on political history of Iran in the Seljuk period, but the character and attitudes of its author, as a literary man and an artist, has made such a work an authentic source for scholars in the social and cultural history, and particularly for those in the field of social and cultural history of Persian art.
In writing the book, Rāvandi has taken some cultural, literary and artistic details into consideration, a fact mostly neglected in other related political books. In the present essay, some information about the social and cultural history of art has been gathered with a social approach from this book, and then categorized and evaluated.

Located at the old central part of Shiraz, the Jameh Mosque of the city was built under the reign of Amr-e Laith Saffari in the 3rd AH/ AD 9th century. The mosque has undergone many changes such as expansion, destruction, restoration and transformation in the course of time. The changes made to the building could not be easily distinguished. The place was as large as other famous mosques of the Islamic world in the 5th AH/ 11th AD century. In the 8th AH/ 14th AD century and at the same time with the construction of Khodāy-khāneh or Dār al-Moshaf section, it could accommodate about 1000 prayers. As iwans and other architectural organs were erected during the Safavid period, the mosque transformed into its most accomplished spatial phase, and its ornamentation increased.
Besides political changes and urban development, huge earthquakes happened in Shiraz, particularly during the Qajar era, which resulted in the demolition of many buildings. The Jameh Mosque of Shiraz was no exception in these disasters.
With the rise of Qajars, the mosque already bore many historical facts. Thus far, the history of the place during this period is by no means clear. Except for some few dispersed data and hints, no comprehensive study has yet been carried out on this issue. Therefore, the present essay aims to offer a coherent narrative of the mosque during the Qajar era. The objective of the research is to review documents relating to building projects done in the mosque and to give a clear view of the building in the mentioned historical epoch.
Restorations and renovations made during the recent century have been so extensive that it would be difficult to search for tangible evidence; however, pictorial documents and travelers’ accounts of the place may give some insights into its former appearance and structure. Meanwhile, the role of Ebrāhim Khān Kalāntar Shirāzi, the kalantar of the city of Shiraz and later as the first grand vizier of Qajar Iran, in the process of restoration of the mosque has to be underlined.

This research, studying on typolology of buildings entrances in Kerman city; that have changed with governments changing in Iran in recent century.
In beginning of recent century, buildings entrances had independent identity and character; because they were unique in passementerie and exterior display. In these dacedes, this chatacter absorption to buildings face lifting and density.
Below items, show reasons of these changing in content structure:1. Cultural- cosial influences:Militarism urbanism in Kerman have made several street in ancient content.
2. Economical influences:Economical changing in these years cause to changed managers and people taste in urbanism.
3. Temporal influences:Forget of fringes, believes, behaviors, traditions, cultures and … in our young age, cause to forgot saves and mimicrying.
4. New landuses influences:New social changing have overthrowed Kerman architecture and urbanism.
5. Spatial structure influences:Contemporary urbanism in Kerman is against of ancient approach.
This article is trying to indentification different valuable buildings entrances and present these characteristics.

At the Central Library of the University of Tehran there is a manuscript (No. 2934) titled The Collected Works by Esmā’il Kāshef Esfahāni. In the manuscript there is a written work under the title of “a draft written by Master Ali-Akbar Me’mār to one of his acquaintances”. A poet and tile-maker from the Safavid era, Kāshef Esfahāni was the son of an architect called Master Heydar. The former (999-1082 AH/ AD 1591-1671) lived during the reigns of Shah Abbas I, Shah Safi, Shah Abbas II and Shah Sulayman.
The extant draft in the manuscript was produced by a personage known as Master Ali-Akbar, the architect. He wrote the letter to his cousin. It was probably a response to a former angry letter drafted by the cousin on the issue of claiming inheritance left by Ali-Akbar’s aunt. In this letter the master has pointed to his services to three Safavid rulers as well as to making various buildings, including mosques, schools and monasteries (houses for dervishes).
Who is Master Ali-Akbar? We know a famous architect from this period, known as Ali-Akbar Esfahāni, the builder of the Abbāsi Great Mosque, whose name was inscribed there. He was probably the chief architect of Shah Safi’s court and the artisan who managed to accomplish the mosque during the reign of the mentioned ruler. Master Ali-Akbar Me’mār in the above-mentioned Collected Works was in all probability the same as Master Ali-Akbar Esfahāni, the builder and architect of the Abbāsi Great Mosque. The letter would provide us with some new information about the master and his historical personage.

Muqarnas, also called “honeycomb vaulting” or “stalactite vaulting”, is usually considered the key component and the primary characteristic of Islamic architecture. Interestingly, one of the most adopted muqarnas typology studies dates back to a 15th century in a treatise written by an Iranian famous scholar, Qiyāth-od-Din Jamshid Mas’ud al- Kāshāni (1380-1429) mostly known as al-Kāshi in west. This book is Al- Kashi’s most impressive mathematical work called Meftāh-ol-Hessāb (The Key to Arithmetic) which he completed on March 1427, two years before his death. The work is a major text intended to be used in teaching the necessary mathematics to those studying astronomy, surveying, architecture, accounting and trading. In the fourth essay of the book, the first available written text on muqarnas mathematical and geometrical studies has been presented. While this essay was written to teach how to calculate muqarnas surfaces, it presents a typology for muqarnas and also introduces the main structural components and units of muqarnas for the first time. Astonishingly, after more than 590 years there are still diverse interpretations on the types as well as the fundamental units of muqarnas according to his points of view. While it is mostly due to the complicated writing style of Al-Kashi in Arabic, another main reason is that you can hardly find any 3D analysis of Al-Kashi’s studies. In fact, most researches have gone through the 2D patterns. Accordingly, this research tries to present a more accurate understanding of Al-Kashi’s treatise using 3D techniques. To do so, in the first phase the original essay in Arabic has been studied with the help of the Arabic language scholars at Shiraz University in order to have a better comprehension of the text. Secondly, the related literature has been studied and compared. These phases help us understand that the key point in misunderstanding and/or different interpretations of Kashi’s muqarnas types lies in different understanding of muqarnas fundamental units as were described by Al-Kashi. In this regard, by carefully scrutinizing the Arabic text and studying the 2D and 3D patterns and details of the remained muqarnases from Al-Kashi era, muqarnas fundamental units/components are identified and presented in 3D schematic diagrams for the first time. This paper is introducing the components as followed: “outer shell”, “inner shell”, “lower roof”, “upper roof”, “facet” and “facet base”. This would help prevent the inaccurate use of technical vocabulary for identification of muqarnas structures and also result in more accurate and concise understanding of Al-Kashi’s muqarnas typology. Using the introduced muqarnas components in the previous phase, in the last section a detailed identification of Al-Kashi’s muqarnas typology has been presented. In his essay, Al-Kashi classified muqarnas into four main categories, namely sādeh (simple), motayyan (clay-plastered), Qows (curved) and Shirazi. To draw a conclusion, this paper elaborates on the earlier research and explains how the first three types differ from each other in spite of being formed in a similar square and/or rhombic grid. It also depicts how Shirazi muqarnases are formed within a radial system, not following a specific module. They have more complex structures due to the variety of fundamental components used. Finally, the present paper concludes that although Al-Kashi’s typology was basically conducted for the specific purpose of calculating muqarnas surfaces besides surveying them and although his research has been limited to his own time samples, the muqarnas fundamental units and typology he introduced can still be used even now in order to have a better understanding of this architectural element and its structures.

Muqarnas is one of the most popular decorative forms in Islamic architecture, from Andalusia and Morocco to India. There are numerous cases of muqarnas with a diversity of designs all around the present-day Iran. Although muqarnases all around the Islamic world (including Iran, along with Egypt, North Africa, the Levant, and the Asia Minor) look generally the same and carry a similar structure, studying their geometric principles of construction and building elements shows distinct differences. We are aiming to show the displacement of elevation of a muqarnas in a semi-dome from the arch of a semi-dome in the façade of an iwan through studying the construction of it from planar design to a 3D model; and thus underline the differences between muqarnases in Iran and those in the western Islamic world. What this paper investigates is the coincidence of a muqarnas and the arch of an iwan. A muqarnas is usually designed in plan, and then transformed into a 3D model by using specific rules. Since these rules are distinct, when a muqarnas is designed in plan, the 3D model and thus its elevation is already determined. In “muqarnas domes”, plan of the muqarnas coincides perfectly on plan of the dome and the elevation is not visible. But in an iwan, basically, the elevation of muqarnas should never fit the arch. Unlike what we are accustomed to see, the elevation of a muqarnas should actually look like a set of small arches, one on the top of the other. Clearly, this shape is different from the arch of iwan. The elevation of a muqarnas is not only indented, but its rising trend is also different from that of an iwan’s arch in most cases. This would create a vacant space between the arch and the elevation of the muqarnas. Several solutions have been developed by Islamic architects around the world. These solutions will be compared here and the characteristics of the Iranian one will be described. The Egyptian and the Anatolian solutions are classified into 4 groups. They tried to match the elevation of muqarnas to that of iwan. But these muqarnases, being made of stone elements, are more adhered to the shapes of their elements, thus the elevation still looks indented. Comparing these solutions with the Iranian ones, in which the muqarnas fits perfectly well into the arch of iwan, indicates that Iranian architects had the capability and courage to conceive the 3D model and its elevation along with its plan, especially in entrances. This paper demonstrates two main reasons for these differences. First reason is the mainstreaming muqarnas elements, considering their material, in the design. Stone muqarnases are designed through repetition of some certain elements, thus they are limited in creating some special forms (i.e. arch) in the elevation. Unlike these muqarnases, Iranian ones are designed on the basis of level lines (“Pa”s of muqarnas) and constructed separately in each level. This removes the previously mentioned limitation. The Iranian architects in this way have prioritized the perfection of the elevation over the ease of construction. The second reason for those differences is the Iranian architects’ geometric perception of coinciding a muqarnas plan on the elevation of an iwan. These architects have tried to solve the mismatch through a geometrical solution. To do so, they determine intersection points between the arch of iwan and the level planes of the muqarnas, and then they manipulate muqarnas elements to match the desired form in the façade of mosques’ iwans or their entrances.

In this paper yazdibandi, a type of ornamental vaulting, mostly known to be Qajarid, is investigated. Primarily, it is introduced on the basis of what two masters of Iranian traditional architecture, Ostad Asqar Sha’rbaf and Ostad Husayn Lurzadeh, have defined. Then according to the criteria they offer, the method to distinguish between yazdibandi and other types of Persian vaulting has been further discussed, along with terminology for its elements and parts. Literature of the subject is reviewed to show the state of this study among others. Afterwards, a historic search is carried out to find the origin of yazdibandi and, the first building or buildings made of this ornament, as well as the way it was invented and extended to other areas. It is the first time that such a study is done. The study has looked into numerous examples of yazdibandi and presents new findings. Considering construction, yazdibandi is closer to muqarnas, but its appearance is more like rasmibandi (revolved intersecting arches). Yet, unlike rasmibandi it is not statically self-standing, usually hanging from an upper structure or vault. The empty space between these two layers is usually deeper in muqarnas and smaller in the case of yazdibandi. In most of yazdibandies the lower surface would totally touch the upper supporting vault, conforming to its shape. These factors cause yazdibandi to have several constructional advantages. It would have a free plan layout, and since it is not structural and it depends on structures primarily erected, it is easier and faster to be built. It is also cheaper than both muqarnas and rasmibandi. Yazdibandi was quite common during the Qajar period, but according to the findings of this paper it was first designed in the Safavid period, more accurately during the reign of Shah Abbas. Earliest examples among the ones investigated in this paper could be the ones built in the entrance of Ganj’ali-Khan, Kerman bathhouse and inside the tomb of Sheikh Jebre’il, Ardabil. Of these two, the Kermani one is probably older. It was built in 1020 A.H. This paper also discusses the term “yazdibandi”. Yazd is a city in central Iran and yazdibandi could be translated roughly to “the vault from yazd city”. Rather surprisingly, it is very rare in Yazd for one to see any examples, but one can see many of them in Kashan, Qom, and Tehran, cities with major Qajar constructions. Therefore, it is natural to question the origin of the term. The name of the architect who built Ganj’ali-Khan bathhouse is Muhammad Soltani-ye Yazdi, and since his surname is Yazdi, he or his family probably were originally from Yazd. But the buildings we know he made are in Kerman, the name of the vault could point to his name. In this way, instead of saying “the vault from Yazd city”, yazdibandi should be translated to “the vault first designed by an architect named Yazdi”. This paper in the end gives criteria to categorize different types of yazdibandi. Many of the findings of the paper are based upon examples which are listed in the appendix. This list specially would be helpful for future studies.

In Iranian architecture, rasmibandi or kārbandi is a geometric structure seen in many Iranian ceilings made up of intersections of similar arches under geometry and mathematical orders. In theoretical geometry, the lowest voussoirs of all arches are situated on circumference of a virtual vertical circle with the same distances. Then in architectural plan we will see a symmetrical arrangement of chords in a circle. Each chord is a plan of a complete arch, almost always a pointed arch. In practical geometry, some arches or all of them will be constructed as ribbed vaults with load bearing ability. Due to rectangle, square and polygonal plan of Persian architecture, some ribs should be trimmed and some remain prefect. This roofing-ceiling system is similar to star patterns of Islamic- Iranian geometrical ornaments. The genuine ones are load bearing roofs which can withstand with no need of hanging from an upper stronger roof. Although in some cases rasmibandies are diminished to an ornamental secondary ceiling with a prefect geometrical essence, unlike muqarnas and yazdibandi ornaments, rasmibandi has an important structural aspect. The structural aspect of it is unseen and not researched. The relation between a plan of rasmibandi and a structure that must adapt it is not clear. Another problem is forces and tensions paths and that the ribs or surfaces are bearing more or less. The oldest sample of this ornamental element known is located in the Atiq Mosque, Shiraz, built in 9th/15th century. Other samples could be found in Na’in Jāme’ Mosque, Cordoba Jāme’ Mosque and Akhpat Monastery from 10th century. Some centuries later, this architectural element can be found only within the Iran’s territory. Even if samples can be seen outside Iran, they are very rare. Therefore, it could be claimed that Iran is considered the origin of kārbandi. From the early Islamic era till Qajar period some evolution occurred in all aspects of kārbani so that it developed for practical use in most Iranian buildings. It has been expanded and used for ceilings in mosques, mausoleums, tombs, bazaars, houses, madrasas, etc. In this article, geometry of rasmibandi has been discussed at first. Its typology is explained based on former papers of authors and scholars. Then, the evolution of its geometry and structure from early times till Qajar period has been surveyed. This study shows that both geometry and structure of rasmibandi reached their climax in Qajar era. This fact is proved by numerous rasmibandies of that era and the complexity of their geometry and precision of structures in comparison to the older ones. Although very complete rasmibandies have remained from the first Isfahan school of architecture period, i.e. Timurid and Safavid time, but the second Isfahan school of architecture, i.e. Qajar period, is the time for more evolution. Similar to the first Isfahan era, the ornamental rasmibandies with no strong load bearing structure are repeated in the second school. At the last part of this article structural behavior of rasmibandi has been investigated via a structural simulation. This simulation shows in a 10-meter span a kārbandi roofing that has low weight in comparison to other masonry vault and domes. It means that material has been used in a more optimal way.

Among the scholars of Iranian architecture, some believe in a timeless “essence” as “Iranian Architecture” or “Islamic Architecture of Iran”. According to them, the essence has had various manifestations in different points of history. It can also have its contemporary manifestation if we try to identify and realize it, as they believe. Then we will have our own Persian, Islamic, and non-Western architecture in our time. What defines the essence are some “principles of architecture”. The principles differ by the scholars’ viewpoints; however, all of them are timeless principles and rules the observation of which can lead to an Iranian Islamic architecture suitable for Iranians spiritual, psychological, and physical needs and desires. Among the scholars, there are only three comprehensive viewpoints that are compiled and published: 1. Mohammad-Karim Pirnia’s “the Principles of Iranian Architecture”; 2. Ardalan and Bakhtiar’s “the Sense of Unity”; 3. Navaei and Haji-Qassemi’s “Khesht-o-Khiyāl”. A full analysis and critique of the first viewpoint was already published. In this article, we will analyze and criticize the two latter, both of them believe in an essence as “Islamic Architecture of Iran”. Reviewing and internal criticizing each viewpoint starts with explaining its goal and theoretical bases and continues by its principles. Then we will articulate the viewpoint in terms of ontological, epistemological, and practical/normative propositions. This will provide us with a site map of each viewpoint that will make a fair critique possible. The last part of each chapter, entitled “Challenges and Inconsistencies”, will be on an internal criticism on the viewpoint. In the conclusion, we will compare the two views and show that both of them are deeply related to “traditionalism”, and their main difference is due to their focus points: Ardalan and Bakhtiar focus on the symbolic language of architecture, while Navaei and Haji- Qassemi focus on the formal and physical aspects.

Passing through the alleyways of the historical texture of Shushtar, we encounter buildings whose facades have various motifs and decorations and show the taste and art of its creators. The creators of these works are architects who have emerged their art on stone and brick. Many of these masters remain unknown to today's generation and are afraid that the passage of time will soon destroy the information available about their lives and works.
Haj Mohammad Taghi Memarbashi is one of the masters who built many houses, mosques, and some water structures and other monuments of Shushtar city. This article tries to introduce them first and then study his work and him.