نشریه مطالعات بین المللی
سال بیست و یکم شماره 1 (پیاپی 81، تابستان 1403)

The aggregation of the military power and the rapid economic development of the Asia-Pacific region have led a large number of international relations experts to reckon that the future of the world will be determined in Asia Pacific. In the meantime, the United States has tried to maintain and improve its position and also prevent the rise of its competitors in the Asia-Pacific by adopting various strategies. Using the descriptive-analytical method and library resources, the current research seeks to answer the question: "What are the points of commonality and difference in the positions of different American administrations towards the Asia-Pacific region between 2009 and 2022?" The findings indicate that in the foreign policy of the three administrations of Obama, Trump and Biden, there is more continuity than difference. In addition, all three administrations have been aware of the importance and rise of the Asia-Pacific region and paid much attention to it. On the other hand, what separates the strategy of the Trump administration from that of Obama and Biden ones towards the Asia-Pacific region is non-cooperation with allies and partners; that is cooperation became less prominent during the Trump era, unlike the previous and subsequent periods; thus, that the Biden administration can be seen as Obama's third administration in the Asia-Pacific region.

Following the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the reinstatement of US sanctions against Iran, and the cancellation of all oil, commercial, and economic agreements, all of which were the result of the JCPOA, Iran decided to sue the US in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) under the 1955 Treaty of Amity, Trade Relations, and Consular Rights (hereinafter the Treaty). The jurisdictional decision and temporary injunction have brought Iran closer to claiming its rights. However, the primary issues this study addressed were whether the ICJ has substantive jurisdiction and whether the final verdict will be in favor of Iran. Accordingly, the main research hypothesis was as follows: since the ICJ has substantive jurisdiction, if it renders an uncontested final verdict in Iran's favor, the US must reimburse Iran and return the situation to its pre-trial state. To answer the above-mentioned questions and examine the hypothesis, this study employed a meta-analysis method.

In recent decades, significant advancements in industry and technology have greatly influenced financial markets. However, criminal organizations exploit these developments to disrupt the stock market and undermine financial structures through fraudulent transactions. This expansion of illicit activities destabilizes the global economy, weakening international laws, regulations, and foreign investments. Given the complexity of financial crimes and the imperative to combat international and terrorist activities, it is crucial to examine the impact of money laundering on the global economy and the approaches of international financial institutions in preventing and confronting this issue. This descriptive-analytical study reveals that money laundering poses a fundamental challenge in the international economic arena. International institutions must oversee financial systems to safeguard the integrity and stability of global finance. This necessitates collaboration among these institutions and countries to combat money laundering effectively, including tracking illicit money flows, enhancing transparency in international banking systems, developing electronic infrastructures, integrating financial information systems, and improving global data.

Realism, which is the dominant theory in current international studies, emphasizes that in a world with all kinds of political governments, and different moral, religious, political, and cultural and social beliefs and values, in the ruling Westphalian world, speaking of consensus, And reaching a just order acceptable to all nations (or states) seems impossible. Facing this theory, other theories such as the theory of the law of people of John Rawls (who is one of the most important thinkers of the 20th century) and the theory of egalitarian cosmopolitanism are placed. Rawls believes that even with the differences and disagreements, it is possible to reach a kind of international system or law that seems just and fair, and there is no need to propose impractical idealistic ideas, or necessarily the existence of a common value system, or moving towards . Egalitarians go even further and say that the world can agree on the principles of freedom and justice. The principles of justice and freedom should not stop at the water's edge and be considered specific to liberal democratic nations. The main question of this research is which of these theories' arguments are more justified. The main hypothesis of the article is that Rawls's arguments in John Rawls' theory of the law of nations are more justified than the other two theories. The method used in this research is the inference method of the best explanation.

Over the past two decades, increasing foreign investment has been linked to economic growth and development in many countries, sparking international competition to attract further foreign direct investment. In this endeavor, a serious challenge is to preserve the interests of foreign investors in addition to protecting the host state's environment. Foreign direct investment (FDI) plays a key role in providing capital and transferring knowledge and technology required for economic development, especially in developing countries. However, economic growth resulting from increasing foreign investment and industrialisation may cause adverse environmental impacts on the host country. This study aims to analyse effective environmental stipulations and clauses in FDI treaties intended to promote environmental sustainability and maximise FDI as a means of economic development, thereby enhancing overall welfare in the host countries, while mitigating the negative repercussions of foreign capital. This paper employs an analytical-descriptive method and relies on bibliographical data collection. As per the findings, although bilateral investment treaties in Iran aim to promote and secure foreign investments, they frequently disregard adequate provisions for environmental protection. This shortcoming could potentially transform Iran into a "pollution haven" for environmentally detrimental industries and technologies of foreign investors in the long run. To avert this adverse outcome, it is advisable to incorporate specific clauses in bilateral investment treaties that promote and encourage investments in low-carbon industries. Such clauses should support the adoption and development of technologies and innovations that are both globally compatible and environmentally friendly. Furthermore, the necessity of using clean energy through appropriate means, e.g., imposing charges and green taxes, should be implemented in bilateral investment treaties to facilitate sustainable development.

Legislators have been involved in several disputes over the methods of determining responses in criminal juvenile laws to adopt logical plans and policies; as a result, various models have emerged for the penelisation of juvenile delinquency. The most common models represent justice and welfare. The justice model emphasises the acceptance of strict punishments used for intimidation or entitlement, whereas the welfare model seeks to improve the behaviour/personality of juvenile delinquents by guaranteeing the right to rehabilitation. This paper addresses the following question: What penalisation model is accepted in both the laws of Iran and the international human rights system for the differentiation of criminal justice? In this study, a descriptive-analytical method is employed to answer such questions by reviewing national and international laws from a comparative perspective. Research findings indicate the normalisation of the welfare discourse in various regulations of international documents, which reflect individualisation, pluralism of de-incarceration leniency, and absolute prohibition of strict approaches. By contrast, Iran’s legislative discourse tends to adopt opposite models due to the nature of juvenile delinquency. In other words, the justice model and the alternative model are accepted as the dominant penalisation models based on the possibility of applying physical punishments and guaranteeing the right to security in sharia-related crimes as well as individualisation and freedom deprivation centrality in punishments.

The subject of rights has always entailed conceptual and interpretive complexities. On the one hand, historical debates about the concept of rights, and on the other hand, the ambiguity and necessity of modern international relations, have always made rights a controversial issue. In international relations, concepts are theoretically and discursively diverse, and research in this realm always begins by defining themes and contents. Essentially, when it comes to rights in international relations, there is a challenge between whether individuals or groups inherently have rights against power (government), or whether they gain rights by fulfilling specified duties set out by power (government). This very issue constitutes the hypothesis of this study. This article first attempts to explore the concepts of power and rights in international relations. Then, in line with the raised questions, it delves into texts in the realm of power and rights to examine propositions and determine the origin of this power-rights duality, and whether there is a complementary or dissociative relationship between these two concepts. Finally, by briefly examining Western human rights from the main theoretical schools of international relations, it demonstrates which side Western human rights discourse stands on and whether its nature is closer to pure defense of rights or imposition of duties.

As a form of non-verbal communication, fashion entails several elements, such as clothing, accessories, hairstyles, and makeup, and conveys several implicit messages. The communication of messages in this manner is referred to as fashion diplomacy. With the development and expansion of digital media and the possibility of overcoming space and time limitations, fashion diplomacy can surpass traditional verbal communication tools in terms of its impact on both general and specific audiences, encompassing both public and private diplomacy. This study focuses on the implications of adherence or non-adherence to the diplomatic dress code by foreign officials during their meetings with Iranian officials between 2010 and 2019. The fashion's role in message communication is analyzed using the theoretical perspectives of Michael R. Solomon and Roland Barthes on fashion encoding and decoding. A qualitative descriptive-analytical approach is adopted to examine the dress code of foreign officials during diplomatic meetings with Iranian officials. The study involves analyzing qualitative data, specifically photos, and decoding the dressing choices portrayed in the media. The resulting analysis sheds light on the semiotics of fashion in these diplomatic visits. A thorough analysis of the theoretical and practical implications of fashion's role in message communication has led this study to a notable conclusion. During the aforementioned period of diplomatic meetings between Iranian and foreign officials, implicit messages were conveyed through fashion choices. The messages under scrutiny can be classified into four discrete forms: backing off, pretending/hypocrisy, insult/disrespect, and respect/intimacy.

Studying the evidence and findings obtained from the research shows that one of the aspects of terrorism, attacking industrial infrastructure, has negative and destructive effects on the economic prosperity of a country. Therefore, the main goal of the current research is to investigate the success rate of the American government in controlling the effects of terrorism on industrial activities in the case study of the American Railway Company; therefore, the current study examines terrorism from the perspective of its effect on industrial activities and tries to do so systematically. To answer this question, has the US government been successful in dealing with industrial terrorism? The hypothesis of the present research intuitively states that the American government is incompetent in dealing with industrial terrorism, and therefore, to test the hypothesis, it is focused on Amtrak (American Railway Company). This research, using the method of content analysis, has explained the inadequacies of the government in dealing with its consequences for systematically and generalizing industrial terrorism in America. Some results of this study show that the economic value of parent industries and the control measures of the American government to protect these industries are directly related to industrial terrorism, and finally, the consequences of industrial terrorism for some parent American industries such as railways lead to political instability, capital reduction and Public trust has resulted.

The field of human rights studies is shaped by various ideas based on conceptual and theoretical developments. The issue of human rights has been of utmost significance for both Iran and Saudi Arabia in recent decades. Iran and Saudi Arabia, as Islamic nations, have different perspectives on human rights within the international context and the framework of human rights driven by Islamic principles. Such that this can be considered a major factor influencing their relations with each other and with entities such as the United Nations, the Human Rights Council, and national/international powers. Research question: In view of constructivism, what are the effects of human rights policies on governance in Iran and Saudi Arabia? Research hypothesis: The human rights policies and their monitoring mechanisms in Iran and Saudi Arabia have significantly influenced their behavior in adhering to and accepting human rights norms. Therefore, their similarities and differences in this regard can be identified by comparing the state of human rights in these two countries. Findings Research findings indicate that Iran demonstrates a more flexible stance on human rights issues compared to Saudi Arabia, which can be attributed to differences in their government type and civil society structure.

Health tourism is a sector of the tourism industry known as one of the leading industries in the world, attracting more than 800 million people every year. Although the World Health Organization (WHO) estimated that the global turnover of the industry was $2.4 trillion in 2017, factors such negative global image have substantially reduced the chance that people will choose Iran as a health tourism destination. This negative image is primarily due to the actions of the Iranian authorities. Accordingly, the author of this study sought to analyze how a negative global image could affect the expansion of the health tourism economy in Iran. This descriptive-analytical study used the desk research method for collecting the necessary data from reputable domestic and international organizations on the key factors that have created a negative image of Iran in the eyes of health tourists including human rights violations, violation of international conventions on protecting diplomatic personnel and premises, violation of dual citizens’ rights, and improper management of domestic crises. Hence, the author statistically compared Iran with countries operating in health tourism and being less affected by those factors. In conclusion, these factors had significant negative effects on health tourists’ mentality towards Iran and considerably reduced their sense of security, thereby decreasing their willingness to choose Iran as a health tourism destination.

Natural disasters are inevitable, and governments must plan ahead to prepare for them. The COVID-19 pandemic posed a daunting challenge; however, some countries outperformed others. Why were various approaches employed? Why were some of those approaches more effective? Trying to address these questions, we adopted a descriptive-comparative method to discover the causes of variations in states' performances. Hypothesizing that a key factor would be the nature of the economic system, we reviewed different references. This study reveals that the unequal capitalistic system, with its selective elimination of cost-intensive social service sectors based solely on cost-benefit analyses, placed powerful nations like the US and the UK in a vulnerable position at the height of the crisis. The disparity in economic systems and states' perceptions of the pandemic resulted in diverse responses, different mortality rates, and varying economic repercussions. This study further highlights the three-stage nature of pandemic crisis management: initial or entry phase, containment or management, and exit. Poor preparedness in the initial phase hampered the performance of neoliberal nations such as the US and the UK in the subsequent phase. However, their success in the final phase was notable, largely attributed to the development of vaccines. On the contrary, the preparedness of Germany and Sweden in the initial phase, due to government planning and more robust social services, paved the way for their success in the crisis management and exit phases. In a similar vein, Japan's early preparedness, stemming from its ingrained cultural norms and government investments in education, contributed to success in subsequent phases.

The US-China strategic competition has escalated considerably since the second decade of the new millennium, prompting the US to turn its focus toward the Pacific region. This strategic shift has contributed to a multilayered disorder and a prolonged period of transition in the Middle East. This study investigates the ramifications of the US-China strategic competition on the evolving geopolitical landscape of the Middle East. The central research question explores how this competition influences the region’s transitional order. The hypothesis posits that the heightened US-China competition exacerbates conflicts, intensifies the security dilemma, and introduces multilayered strategic competition and confusion, thereby escalating regional tensions. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology in this qualitative study, the data were collected through extensive library and online research to evaluate the sources and test the hypothesis. The findings reveal that the escalating US-China strategic competition has deepened the security dilemma, fostered conflict and competition patterns, and reinforced coalitions and alliances in the Middle East. Consequently, regional powers are increasingly striving to impose their preferred order as the dominant regional framework. Moreover, strategic competition and confusion have become the defining characteristics of the region, with little prospect for the de-escalation of tensions and rivalries.

The nuclear technology project got off to an unfavorable start, as it was linked with military programs and atomic bombings. However, following the devastating events of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, there was a gradual shift toward recognizing the potential of this valuable energy source for peaceful and humanitarian uses. As such, the utilization of nuclear technology for the betterment of humanity gained prominence in the 1960s. This article employs a descriptive-analytical methodology to address the question of whether nuclear technology can be effectively harmonized with environmental considerations. It is argued that the symbiosis of nuclear technology and the environment is feasible, refuting the legal and logical justifications behind the restrictions imposed by nuclear-armed nations to prevent other countries from accessing nuclear energy under the guise of non-proliferation efforts. The findings of this study indicate that nuclear technology has contributed to significant advancements in various domains, including agriculture, medicine, and industry. For instance, nuclear medicine now plays a pivotal and decisive role in diagnosing and treating numerous diseases. Moreover, the applications of nuclear technology extend to electricity generation, the development of materials with exceptional properties, and the production of agricultural products resistant to pests and drought. These examples underscore the diverse and beneficial applications of nuclear technology in medicine, industry, and agriculture.

The diaspora is defined as a transnational community that has involuntarily migrated from its homeland and settled in another land. As a consequence, diaspora communities carry their cultural and identity markers as defining characteristics in their new host countries. Conversely, states use cultural and identity components as subjective and objective elements to advance their cultural diplomacy strategies and promote intercultural dialogue in the international arena. Therefore, the central research question of this applied study is: how can diaspora communities play a role in cultural diplomacy? This research employs a descriptive-analytical approach with a comparative perspective to examine the constituent elements of diaspora and cultural diplomacy. The study utilizes library and online resources, along with the conceptual framework of track II diplomacy, to analyze the subject matter. The findings of the study suggest that culture and identity function as common structural components that connect diaspora and cultural diplomacy.