نشریه علوم سیاسی
سال سی و هفتم شماره 2 (پیاپی 106، تابستان 1403)

Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (597–672 AH), a distinguished Shiite theologian and philosopher, is regarded as the founder of philosophical theology. He played a significant role in promoting Imami Shiite political theology, leaving numerous works in this field. Although many of al-Ṭūsī’s works have been critically edited and studied, some theological texts have not yet received the attention they deserve, among them the treatise al-Imāma. The term "imam" refers to a leader, guardian, or ruler—one who leads and assumes the responsibility of guiding society. In this treatise, al-Ṭūsī, relying on Imami Shiite principles and without recourse to transmitted evidence, explores the issue of Imamate (leadership) in Islam from a political and divine perspective across three chapters. In the first chapter, he discusses the foundational and methodological aspects of Imamate, asserting that, according to Imami Shiite thought, leadership is based on tawḥīd (unity of God), ʿadl (divine justice), and nubuwwa (prophethood), a principle not to be questioned. The second chapter addresses five key questions concerning the essence of the imam, the necessity of an imam’s presence at all times, the purpose of an imam, the imam’s attributes, and the process of selecting an imam. In the third chapter, al-Ṭūsī examines the occultation of Imam al-Mahdī (may God hasten his reappearance) and the reasons for the prolonged occultation in detail. Distinguishing features of al-Imāma include its rational approach (without relying on transmitted evidence), its focus on the imam’s attributes, and its discussion of messianic themes. In this critical edition, an intermediary approach was employed using eight manuscript copies from the libraries of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the University of Tehran, Ayatollah Marʿashī Najafī, Malik National Library, and the Center for Revival of Islamic Heritage in Qom.

Today, with the evolution of social systems, the continuous development of human life, and the growing complexity of issues, a vast array of subjects has emerged for jurisprudence to address. Responding to these issues, in line with managing and overseeing the social system of a religious community, requires a shift in perspective toward a governance-oriented jurisprudence. As approaches to jurisprudence evolve toward a more comprehensive, enduring, and dynamic framework, the need for jurisprudential principles at this level becomes increasingly essential. However, despite previous discussions on governance jurisprudence, there has been little focus on its foundational principles. Achieving governmental jurisprudence requires establishing principles that align with this framework. This research, which aims to define governance-oriented jurisprudential principles as the logic of deduction in the governance approach to jurisprudence, utilizes a descriptive-analytical method centered on the philosophy of jurisprudential principles. It concludes that governance-oriented principles, while not entirely separate from traditional jurisprudential standards, adopt a perspective geared toward deriving rulings suited to the administration of a larger society. Consequently, these principles may differ significantly from traditional principles of jurisprudence. Therefore, effectively crafting this methodology and deductive framework for managing an Islamic governance system necessitates principles of jurisprudence that not only keep jurisprudence ahead of societal needs but also prevent it from becoming subordinate to social conditions. Ideally, these principles should consider issues not in isolation but as part of a cohesive network of interconnected topics, accounting for the understanding of Sharia across all levels of society. Governance-oriented jurisprudential principles thus play an essential foundational role, facilitating, structuring, and supporting the derivation of governance-oriented jurisprudence—a process that is unattainable without a thorough and comprehensive grasp of governance jurisprudence.

Discourse creation involves directing public opinion toward a specific concept, which is essential for implementing ideas and concepts effectively. Despite efforts by academic and cultural institutions, there remains an inadequate level of discourse creation for valuable ideas and concepts, primarily due to the lack of an appropriate discourse model. Thus, examining the views of authentic Islamic thinkers is highly significant. This study, using a descriptive-analytical approach and Sterling’s thematic analysis method, seeks to establish a discourse model based on Ayatollah Khamenei’s statements on discourse creation. According to the study's findings, Ayatollah Khamenei’s discourse model views discourse as the process of a concept becoming prevalent in society and public opinion aligning with it. To realize this, key figures—including intellectuals, scholars, poets, writers, officials, artists, students, seminarians, and the national broadcasting network—are designated to foster discourse around socially relevant issues and discourse-ready concepts. They achieve this by meeting specific criteria (thought, repetition, clarification, and modeling) through TV programs, writing, free-thinking forums, promotion, poetry, artistic works, and the resources of various state institutions. Such a discourse is expected to yield outcomes like national progress, problem-solving, facilitating public affairs, increasing the motivation to serve, activating executives, translating ideas into action, generating public approval, fostering individual growth, and enhancing the sense of responsibility.

Identity, as that with which individuals and societies are known, has consistently been one of the most significant issues in social studies. The construction of identity arises from a complex set of perceptual, value-based, and behavioral components that interact in a meaningful and coordinated way. Within societies, various identity-forming elements exist, notably the prominent role of knowledge, values, and norms within each society. In Islamic society, religion functions as the primary social factor in defining individual and collective identity. Political jurisprudence, as Islam’s practical framework in the socio-political sphere, embodies the actions and principles guiding individuals, groups, and political structures. Through the articulation of principles and guidelines for religious conduct and citizens' way of life, it shapes the behavior, speech, and even thought of individuals and society, endowing them with a distinctive and distinguished identity. The aim of this article is to examine the role of political jurisprudence in shaping the identity of Islamic society, especially following the Islamic Revolution in Iran. This study seeks to answer the question: What are the fundamental functions of political jurisprudence in constructing the identity of Islamic society? Through the methodology of ijtihad, as well as the description and analysis of relevant data, the hypothesis emphasizes that one of the most critical identity-related functions of political jurisprudence is to elevate wilāya (guardianship or authority) as a unifying and central element within Islamic society. Other identity-related functions, including responsibility, the establishment of divine ordinances, opposition to oppression and tyranny, enforcement of divine law, the creation of a justice-oriented society, and attention to the affairs of Muslims, derive their significance from wilāya. This collective of jurisprudential functions, rooted in the foundation of wilāya, has crafted a unique identity for post-revolutionary Iranian society, establishing clear boundaries with other societies and ideologies.

Sometimes, we speak of justice in society, which refers to the fairness or unfairness of societal relations across all domains. Other times, we discuss people's perceptions and feelings about the state of justice. The perception of justice refers to how people mentally interpret justice, which does not necessarily align with the actual state of justice in society. This perception can significantly impact political cohesion and social order. Ignoring perceptions of social justice within a political-social system may lead to serious challenges, such as a decline in political participation and national unity. The primary goal of this article is to examine the factors influencing perceptions of justice within a political society. With this aim, the main question addressed is: What factors shape this perception? Numerous factors influence perceptions of justice, which can be divided into epistemic and non-epistemic categories. This article aims to analyze non-epistemic factors affecting the perception of justice using a descriptive-analytical method. It further explores, in terms of the relationship between politics and media, the need for and general strategies for leveraging media to enhance perceptions of social justice. Essentially, media and the political system share a vital relationship; without addressing media perceptions, a political system cannot be effectively managed. In terms of the media-politics relationship, optimal governance occurs when governments and authorities utilize media resources to improve perceptions of social justice. Governments, state-affiliated media, and other media outlets that consider perceptions of justice essential for societal political life must strive to shape this perception under theories such as cultivation, framing, and the spiral of silence. Social psychological principles, media, social class, feelings of deprivation, and subjective well-being are some of the non-epistemic factors that shape public perceptions of justice.

The conventional image of Sayyid Jamāl al-Dīn Asadābādī portrays him as a figure primarily concerned with Islam and the revival of religion in opposition to modern thought and civilization, with his staunch anti-colonial stance seen within this framework. However, a closer examination of Asadābādī’s surviving documents and works reveals a lesser-known dimension of his thought. This study aims to explore this aspect in Asadābādī’s ideas and writings. The central question is whether Asadābādī’s main focus and concern were the revival of religion and political Islam in the face of modern civilization, or rather the advancement, progress, and overcoming of the backwardness of Muslim societies. Our hypothesis is that significant and undeniable evidence in Asadābādī’s works indicates that he employed Islamism as a tool to improve the dire conditions of Muslim societies and to bridge their developmental gaps in comparison to the West. The research method is analytical-interpretive, relying on library sources; it also utilizes Strauss’s esoteric writing theory for textual interpretation, given the nature of Asadābādī’s theoretical and practical activities. Based on clear indications from some of Asadābādī’s statements in his essays, speeches, letters, as well as a thorough examination of certain works and his socio-political activities, it can be concluded that Jamāl al-Dīn’s primary goal and motivation were not, as commonly believed, the revival of religion or a confrontation with Western thought and civilization, but rather social reform, addressing backwardness, and promoting progress in Muslim communities.

The international political economy is built on indicators of reciprocal and multilateral cooperation among actors, with economic interdependence shaping the primary rationale behind their actions. Each actor in this economy fulfills a specific role within the international division of labor. This study seeks to uncover the mechanisms used by the United States to constrain the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the core issue of the Iran-U.S. conflict within an economically interdependent framework. The research question is thus framed as: What mechanisms does the United States employ to limit Iran, particularly in the sphere of political economy, during this era of economic interdependence? It appears that, as the U.S. acts as a balancer for emerging global actors in economics and politics, it employs mechanisms to distort Iran's energy sector, disregarding the broader necessities of the international political economy. This creates challenges for the global economy and regional politics in Iran. Possessing sufficient influence in global policy enables the U.S. to impose restrictions on Iran's monetary, financial, banking, and trade exchanges. Using a descriptive-analytical approach and grounded in the theory of interdependence, this study concludes that economic sanctions on Iran challenge the Islamic Republic's potential for establishing a role in global economics and politics. These sanctions elevate the level of economic threats Iran faces amid economic sanctions and strategic limitations. In this age of economic interdependence and international political economy mechanisms, Iran is confronted with signs of tactical and functional restrictions embodied as economic sanctions. In response, the Islamic Republic has leveraged communicative action mechanisms to minimize the impact of sanctions and strengthen its regional role within international politics.

This study aims to establish a link between political science and governance in Iran. The research presupposes that political science in Middle Eastern countries is an emerging discipline, where theory lags behind action. In other words, normative transformations in structural domains in these countries often precede the development of formal education in this field. Iran's delayed entry into global modernization has led to complex and layered crises in its modern history, which ultimately contributed to the collapse of the previous regime and the establishment of a new system with novel aims distinct from past paradigms. The lack of connection between political science and governance represents a key component of this overarching crisis. This article seeks to explore the role of political science in shaping Iranian governance by addressing the question: What is the place and role of political science in the dynamics of power institutions, and what steps are necessary to create an effective relationship between political science and power dynamics? The primary research question is formulated as follows: Through what processes can a connection between political science and political governance in post-Islamic Revolution Iran be established on structural and functional levels? The article hypothesizes that local development theories and the Iranian-Islamic model of progress, which resonate more closely with Iran’s political culture than Western theories, will play a significant role in advancing the literature on political governance. This development will, in turn, strengthen the structural teachings of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. This theoretical study examines the hypothesis and analyzes the data through the lens of functional theory. Since political governance is seen as a means of creating balance and stability within the social structure, the conclusion is that any structural configuration in the realms of political governance and political science will reflect its influence on cultural and social teachings. Therefore, aligning these two domains is essential and appears achievable only through the application of a functional theory.