احسان جعفری فر

The Syrian internal crisis started in 2011, but with the intervention of regional andextra-regional actors, it turned into one of the most complex international crises.Russia and the United States are extra-regional players and Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia are regional players in this crisis who tried to succeed in maintaining or overthrowing Basharal-Assad's regime by using soft and hard powerThe confrontation between Russia and Turkey in the Syrian crisis and the superiority of Russia's position in maintaining the regimeof Bashar al-Assad is the aim of this research, so in this article, an attempt will be made to strategically and intelligently combine the soft and hard power(smart power) of Russia against Turkey, focusing on the Syrian crisis.be paid The main question is, how has Russia used smart power against Turkey's intervention in the Syrian crisis (2011-2023)?In order to examine the issue in the framework of the intelligent power point of view, from Joseph Nye's pointof view, Russia's soft power in the dimensions of culture, value and foreign policy and hard power in the military andeconomic dimensions have been discussed.The findings of this research show that in the Syrian field,Russia's smart power has been used with more emphasis on soft power to restrain Turkey, and the most important achievement of Russia from the use of smartpower, without serious military involvement withTurkeyis to preserve Basharal-Assad's regimeand prevent action. Turkey's extensive military action against Syriahas beento take the initiativeof peace talks and gain strategic advantage by signing military and economic contracts. ​

The rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western political regimes from forces and groups that diverge from the dominant political currents of the last two decades. More specifically, one of the trends in various regions of the EU is the fact that voters, disillusioned by traditional (EU) politics, are turning towards populist and extreme parties both on the left and the right. In this respect, the current research aims to address the question: What were the causes and underlying factors contributing to the rise of radical right parties to power in Europe over the last two decades?

Literature Review:

In Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde (2007) delved into the ideology of PRRPs. He identifies three core tenets, namely nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism, contending that PRRPs are not passive entities; rather, they are engaged in actively shaping their destiny within contemporary Western societies. In the article “Economic Insecurity and Demand of Populism in Europe,” Guiso et al. (2022) relied on the approach based on demand of populism to argue that market as well as government inefficiencies in providing security have eroded citizen trust in traditional political parties and institutions. The escalating threats of immigration and globalization have further heightened desperation and fear, contributing to the intensified demand for populist policies. Guiso et al. (2022) explain how this dual crisis, reflected in economic insecurity, systematically influences the demand for populism. In “Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe,” Jackman and Volpert (2017) conducted a comprehensive examination of systemic conditions influencing the electoral success of extreme right-wing parties in 16 Western European countries between 1970 and 1990. They concluded that factors such as the electoral system, party structure, and higher unemployment rates created a conducive environment for the emergence of such political movements. In addition, Dehshiri and Ghasemi (2015), in their article titled “Fourfold Crises and the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe,” posit that the four crises (i.e., resource distribution, representation, identity, and immigration) played an undeniable role in shaping the radical right movement in Europe.The review of the literature shows different vantage points used to examine the causes, contexts, and consequences of the rise of radical right parties to power. There is a focus on particular aspects such as the electoral system, party structure, identity, and immigration. The novelty of the present research lies in its comprehensive approach based on supply and demand of populism, which explores a combination of socio-economic and political motivations and variables that impact the rise of radical right parties in European countries.

The present research used the supply and demand of populism as the framework to conduct a bottom-up and top-down analysis of the rise of radical right parties in Europe during 2008–2018.

Using the supply and demand of populism, the research can shed light on different dimensions of the rise of PRRPs in Europe during 2008–2018. On the demand side of populism, the ineffectiveness of governments in managing the financial crisis—often marked by cost reduction, tax increases, and rising unemployment—created the fertile ground for populist tendencies, including anti-immigrant sentiment, xenophobia, Euroscepticism, and nationalism. Meanwhile, the influx of immigrants into Europe, coupled with the adoption of multiculturalism in sociocultural spheres and globalization in the economic realm, could have contributed to the emergence and resurgence of radical right parties. On the supply side of populism, institutional mechanisms and political strategies (e.g., the nature of the electoral system, party ideologies, organizational structures of parties, and party leadership), alongside the influence of messages, rhetoric, and media propaganda, further laid the ground for the rise of radical right parties to power.

Relying on the supply and demand of populism as the framework, the present research demonstrated that economic and sociocultural demands and dissatisfactions on the demand side (bottom-up approach), coupled with the political and institutional strategies and mechanisms employed by populist statesmen and parties on the supply side of populism (top-down approach), prompted European voters to turn towards radical right leaders and parties. These conditions could foster the political mobilization of citizens by these parties, ultimately resulting in their rise to power, particularly between 2008 and 2018. Following the disorders such as the 2008 economic crisis, the 2014 terrorist crisis, the immigration crisis after 2015, and the ensuing sociocultural dissatisfaction, populist parties and leaders capitalized on the political opportunities available in the populism market, emerging as key players in the political arena. Concerning the supply of populism, radical right parties successfully provided the narratives necessary for political mobilization around shared concerns. They attracted the majority of votes by leveraging legal and institutional mechanisms (such as elections, media, and the unique leadership capabilities), ultimately securing political power.

TheSyrian crisis is one of the most complex international crises in terms of the multiplicity of regional and extra-regional actors and the presence of conflicting interests in it. Russia and the United States are trans-regional players in this crisis who, with conflicting approaches and conflicting interests,seek greater influence in the West Asian region through intervention in the Syrian crisis. In this regard, thetwo countries are seeking to take advantageof this crisis with hard and soft policies and strategies.he conflicting interestsof the two actors have made them try to make the most profit by considering the resources and costs and benefits. In this paper, an attempt will be made to deal with the strategic and intelligent combinationof Russia's soft and hard power against the United States, focusing on the Syrian crisis. The main questionishowRussia asused smart power against American intervention in the Syrian crisis (2011-2023)? In order to examine the issue in the framework of the intelligent power point of view, from Joseph Nye's point of view, the soft power of Russia in the dimensionsofculture,valueandforeignpolicyand thehard powerinthemilitaryand economic dimensions have been discussedThe outcomesof thisresearchshows that in the Syrian field,Russiassoft power has been discussedindimensionsofculture,valueand foreignpolicyand hard powerinthemilitary and economic dimensions.Russia's smart power ha beenusedwithmoreemphasis on soft power to restrain America, and the most important achievement of Russia fromtheuse of smart power, without serious military involvement withAmerica, isto preserve Basharal-Assad'sregime and prevent extensive military action. America against Syriahasbeen taking the initiativeofpeacenegotiations and gaining strategic advantage by signing militaryand conomic contracts

Among the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Republic of Azerbaijan has special importance for Israel due to its geographical location and being on the west and east routes. This regime has started relations with Azerbaijan for three decades and has entered a new stage in recent years. Given the above explanations the question arises, where is Azerbaijan's position and role in Israel's national security strategy? And what is Israel's approach to the development of relations with Azerbaijan? The underlying hypothesis is that Israel's approach to relations with Azerbaijan can be understood in light of the concept of strategic depth and the pursuit of Israel's security needs. From this point of view, the development of relations with Baku is important for the continuation of Israel's life. The results show that Israel seeks to turn Azerbaijan into the strategic depth of this regime in the South Caucasus to overcome its geopolitical weaknesses and repel its military threats. Also, this measure helps Tel Aviv to strengthen its deterrent strategy against Iran. Israel's nesting in Azerbaijan and the development of these relations in military-security dimensions can affect Iran's national security and lead to Iran's distance from Azerbaijan and make colder relations between the two countries. To conduct the article, the explanatory method has been used and the data was gathered through the library method.

The sense of fear and the need to contain the growing power of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the axis of resistance in the West Asian region has encouraged the Zionist regime to implement the momentum strategy. Momentum strategy is a military and security doctrine and has been pursued since 2019-2020. Therefore, the purpose of the research is to examine the strategy of Israel's Momentum plan and its necessity is due to the fact that some believe that this plan will be a change in Israel's military strategies. The research question is, what is the basis of the necessity and operationalization of Momentum's military and security strategy? The findings show that considering that Israel does not have strategic depth and by consolidating the foundations of Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria, Israel is trying to preemptively eliminate its security threats through military action. In this way, it has tried to use soft power to put pressure on the resistance forces. However, the Momentum plan has not been completely successful so far and not only has it failed to achieve its goals of preventing the establishment of Iran and weakening Hezbollah, but it has also significantly increased the tension in the region. The article was compiled using descriptive-analytical method and library documents.

Smart power is a purposeful and intelligent combination of hard (coercion and coercion) and soft (persuasion and attraction) power, the use of which leads to improving the capabilities of a country in foreign policy and obtaining national interests with less cost and time. This problem has caused governments to try to use the combination of their soft and hard resources in different ways according to different conditions. Taking into account the surrounding developments of Iran in West Asia and the connection of Iran's national interests with these developments, the question arises as to how the Islamic Republic of Iran has used intelligent power in realizing its goals and interests. The findings of this research, which were collected in a descriptive-explanatory method, show that it can be said that Iran was not passive to the developments in the surrounding environment in West Asia, including in Syria, but in line with the realization of its goals in order to gain influence and deal with the increasing threats of power. Houshmand (soft power and hard power) has been used so that in the hard dimension of Iran's jihadist presence in Syria, the military presence to maintain the balance of power and strengthen the security of Syria, the presence of resistance forces in Syria, and in the soft dimension, emphasizing the democratic procedure to solve the crisis, opposition to separatism. Syria has been attracting the support of other countries to Syria.

Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan have seen many ups and downs. One of the critical points in this relationship occurred during the Taliban rule in Afghanistan (1996-2001). During this period, Pakistan became one of the main supporters of the Taliban. A policy that had to be abandoned soon after the US attack on Afghanistan. With the Taliban set to regain power in 2021, what impact has the Taliban's rise to power had on Afghanistan-Pakistan relations? What factors have influenced these relations? The hypothesis of the study is that the Taliban have not been able to meet Pakistan's political expectations and that this state of affairs has created challenges in the relationship between the two countries. By Using a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach and a library method for data collection, the research findings show that, contrary to Pakistan's expectations, the Taliban's rise to power in Afghanistan has not led to a reduction in border tensions on the Durand Line, the abandonment of separatist claims in Pakistan's Pashtunistan state, or a downgrading of Kabul's relations with Iran and India. Therefore, Pakistan seeks to maximise its security, economic and political interests in this country through a policy of exclusion towards India and Iran and targeted and selective interaction with China and U.S.

America considers itself the defender of human rights and has justified its interventionist policies of the last few decades with titles such as the protection of human rights in the Middle East region. However, it seems that these interventionist policies in the Middle East region cannot be justified only by the Western narrative and the use of extensive propaganda to defend the correct interventionist actions because there are truths related to human rights violations in the Middle East by America that are not often said; Therefore, the need for a detailed examination and analysis of this category caused the present research to try to analyze the human rights situation in the Middle East in the light of American interventionist policies in the Middle East region from 2001 onwards with a more detailed analysis. The research is descriptive-analytical and collected with library documents.The research studies finally showed that the US interventionist policies have led to the strengthening of human rights violations in the Middle East. The findings indicate that the actions of the United States have resulted in many cases of human rights violations in the shadow of the spread of insecurity in the Middle East region, the flow of weapons, the deaths and displacement of millions of people, and the support of crimes against human rights by regional allies.

The origins of current international relations theories are rooted in western developments, thoughts and attitudes. Therefore, the issue of the feasibility of the emergence and emergence of new non-western ideas is one of the issues that has been the focus of thinkers and scholars in the fields of political science and international relations. In this research, the authors have tried to emphasize the capacities and necessities of establishing the theory of Islamic international relations, and therefore the main question of this research is, what are the grounds and necessities of establishing the theory of Islamic international relations? The findings show that the relationship between religion and theories of international relations under the framework of western theories cannot be indicative of the true nature of the theory of international relations from a religious perspective, especially Islam, and considering new developments and the role of religion in international relations, it can be said that the necessity of establishing a theory Islamic international relations can be considered as a new theory according to Islamic foundations and sources. The research is descriptive-analytical and collected with library documents.

South Caucasus countries gained independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Meanwhile, the aggravation of territorial disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia has led to severe conflicts over Karabakh. At the same time, Turkey, with its regional policies, is trying to play a prominent role in supporting Azerbaijan as the Turkish big brother by combining soft and hard power, or in other words, smart power. The present article, in a descriptive and analytical way, seeks to answer the question, what is the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis in Turkey's major strategies from the point of view of intelligent power?In response to this question, the hypothesis of the article states that Turkey, realizing that the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis provides a good opportunity for the influence of this country after a hundred years of being away from this region, tried to use a combination of hard policies including strengthening the military power of Azerbaijan on the one hand. and soft policies including emphasis on ethnic and racial identity to gain influence in the Caucasus region. In this regard, Turkey's intelligent power has tried to get the most benefit from the crisis situation in Karabagh with the least cost, but finally, taking into account the influence of Russia in solving the crisis and the sources of influence, Turkey has not been able to achieve its goals with complete success in the South Caucasus region. achieve foreign policy.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the unipolar world with the hegemony of America, with the emergence of emerging powers, including China, has strengthened the idea of ​​transforming the international system from unipolar to multipolar. The problem of this research is that despite China's claim that the country's economic rise is peaceful, it does not convince the circles and American politicians. Therefore, this research, which is descriptive-analytical and collected with library documents, seeks to answer the question, what are the views and policies of the United States regarding China's economic rise? The findings of the research show that China's economic rise has been accompanied by economic policies. These policies include the membership and establishment of international organizations, international projects such as the revival of the Silk Road, investment and lending. According to the analyzes in the framework of the constructivist theory, it should be said that in the eyes of the United States, a peaceful uprising does not remove the accusation of a serious threat to this country as a revisionist country. Based on this point of view, the United States has been convinced that it should take practical measures in order to contain China

Russia's aggressive action against Ukraine was carried out with the aim of restraining this country from joining NATO; However, this action of Russia was raised along with criticisms of NATO for not preventing the occurrence of this war, to the extent that this war is considered a turning point in NATO's organizational changes. Therefore, the main question of this research is, what changes will Russia's attack on Ukraine bring about in NATO's internal organization? The findings show that there are differences of opinion about strengthening or weakening NATO after the Ukraine war, so that on the one hand, the argument in favor of strengthening NATO is that NATO, due to the decision of countries to increase European defense spending, the declaration of the desire of countries such as Sweden and Finland to join NATO, the further strengthening of American cooperation with NATO and the expectation of strengthening British relations with NATO will be strengthened; While the opposite point of view believes that the weak effectiveness of NATO's deterrence, the Europeans' dissatisfaction with American unilateralism, the existence of NATO's economic infrastructure problems, and the difference between European members in the concept of European strategic independence will lead to the weakening of this military alliance from decision to action. However, in a general assessment, it is expected that with the prolongation of the Russian war against Ukraine and the impact of Europe's need for Russian energy, along with Europe's inability to restrain Russia, the second view will prevail.

Armenia, Azerbaijan and Ukraine are located near Russia. Recent external developments are very important for Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Thus, the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis in September 2020, which led to a 44-day conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as Ukraine's efforts to move closer to the West, provoked a Russian reaction. The present article descriptively-analytically seeks to answer the question of what has been Russia's foreign policy towards Nagorno-Karabakh and Ukraine? The findings in the context of the Copenhagen School's regionalism indicate that Russia has sought to refrain from interfering in the Nagorno-Karabakh war and supporting the country towards Azerbaijan in the wake of the proximity of the pro-Western Armenian government. The Ukrainian government has launched an offensive against the West and is trying to join NATO. However, Russia's policy toward Armenia over Ukraine over non-sanctions against Russia, public support for Russian mediation, and the deployment of peacekeeping forces appears to have been more successful than condemning the invasion of Ukraine, imposing sanctions on Russia, and lack of UN support. .

the most important element of power in securing national interests is defensive power because of its role in deterrence and against threats . ayatollah khamenei , as the supreme leader and commander - in - chief , is the main role in formulating and explaining the country 's principles and strategies . therefore , knowledge of the thought and defense strategies of imam khamenei should lead us to understand the defensive principles of islamic republic of iran . therefore , the present article seeks to answer this question that what is the intellectual basis of ayatollah khamenei 's defense thought ? in explanation of imam khamenei 's defense strategy , this research , which is based on descriptive - analytical method and referring to their statements , shows that their strategies in three areas of strategy , combat readiness and threats against the threat is extracted from the verses of the holy quran , the infallible imams and imam khomeini 's thought .

Today, terrorism is one of the most important issues for nations and governments in the world. Although certain parts of the world are more affected by this phenomenon than the others, its prevalence has almost become a security concern in most contemporary societies. We are witnessing efforts by the United Nations to counter the growth and activities of terrorist groups, especially as the crisis of terrorism became more of a threat to global security with the rise of ISIS and its transnational actions. This article through analytical and descriptive methods and by using library and website resources seeks to answer the question of what resolutions the United Nations has adopted against the terrorist group ISIL. The novelty of this study is that, unlike previous studies that have dealt with the Iraq-Syria crisis and the role of the United Nations during it, it intends to address only the issue of UN resolutions on ISIL in a coherent manner. The research findings show that since 2014 up until 2021, resolutions 2169, 2170, 2178, 2199, 2347, 2249 and 2462 are the most important UN resolutions adopted against ISIL. Resolution 2169 on the identification of ISIL as a terrorist group, Resolution 2170 on the dissolution of ISIL, Resolution 2178 on the recruitment of foreign fighters to ISIL, Resolution 2199 on the prohibition of buying and trading in oil and gas, antiques and historical objects with terrorists, Resolution 2347 on the Security Council Regarding the protection of the common heritage of humanity and cultural heritage, Resolution 2249 to destroy ISIL sanctuaries in Iraq and Syria, and finally Resolution 2462 on the fight against terrorism and the financing of terrorism; all were adopted to contain the activities of this terrorist organization

The emergence of the Syrian crisis means that Syria has become the center of confrontation between regional and supra-regional powers. Syria's geopolitical and strategic position has made it almost at the center of the conflict between the powerful countries and it has become a testing ground. Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Israel, as well as Russia, the United States and Europe are playing a role in this crisis. Given the coexisting, conflicting and parallel interests of the actors, each of them seeks to expand their influence and gain maximum points. This descriptive-analytical article seeks to answer the question: What are the main strategies of Russian foreign policy in Syria from the perspective of smart power? In answer to this question, the hypothesis of the article states that based on the combined nature (soft power and hard power) in the smart power model, although the software dimensions of Russian power in the peripheral field have been seriously challenged, but the focal point of this country's smart power is based It is hard on power. Therefore, Russia's foreign policy is a combination of tough policies including the use of military power and supporting the role of actors such as Iran and Turkey on the one hand and soft policies including countering Western discourse, defending Assad and vetoing resolutions, maintaining balance between actors to manage etc. In this regard, Russia's intelligent power tried to make the most of the crisis and the period of Assad's stability at the lowest cost.

The victory of the Islamic Revolution is known as the most important development in the Middle East; because establishment of the Islamic Republic in place of a monarchy led to revival and expansion of Islamic values in such countries as Bahrain and Syria. The Islamic Revolution, as the center of the spread of religious values and the rise of popular uprisings after 2011, provoked regional rivals such as Saudi Arabia to confront Iran over concerns about the influence of the Islamic Revolutionchr('39')s discourse. This descriptive-analytical article seeks to answer the question: what is the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia towards Bahrain and Syria in order to counter the influence of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? In the framework of diffusion theory, the Islamic Revolution of Iran is considered as the center for expanding Islamic values and religious democracy, the existence of religious and historical commonalities with Bahrain and ideological influence in the Syrian system have been known as its aims of dissemination. In this regard, Saudi Arabia claims to be the leader of the Islamic world and tries to counter the influence of the Islamic Revolution by using tools and methods such as promoting Iranophobia, suppressing the Bahraini protesters and trying to overthrow Bashshar Assad.

Recently, some factors, especially economic crisis, have made it possible to criticize the policies of the ruling parties, making their policies deficiency and magnifying the current situation and chanting slogans about the unequal distribution of resources, indigenous people or the destruction of national resources. Right-wing parties have achieved remarkable success in elections by linking economic problems to foreigners, including political and economic institutions or immigrants, as well as government policy. The present article in a descriptive and analytical way, while paying attention to the role of economic crisis in the formation of far right in Hungary, believes that economic crisis in far right thinking is based on contexts beyond the economy and specifically is intensified by identical and cultural elements. In the other words, in the study and analysis of far-right, it should be noted that trends such as EU policy, including the imposition of economic austerity policies, guidelines on immigration and the implementation of specific policies by previous governments, are largely catalyzing and accelerating about the long term crisis. Therefore, some traces of fascist and monopolistic tendencies emerge in such currents, having nationalist origin, are extremely prone to become totalitarian and antagonistic currents. Using the Copenhagen School and in particular emphasizing the security of affairs in this approach, the current study aims to show how extreme right currents, including Hungary, draw a special situation of foreigners and immigrants to show various economic, social and cultural affairs as political issues.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran, like many other revolutions, has had internal, regional and international consequences. One of the transnational consequences of the Islamic Revolution was that it was able to breathe new life into the body of Muslims around the world and help revive political Islam. Factors such as cultural and religious closeness are considered as an important component in accelerating the spread of the values ​​of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Therefore, Yemen was one of the countries where the reflection of the Islamic Revolution was observed. Inspired by the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the Yemeni Shiites have been very active in Yemen and have emerged as an effective force in the social and political arenas. This article, compiled by descriptive analytical method, tries to examine the impact of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the Shiite movements in Yemen and its reflection inside the country and the region, especially Saudi Arabia's policy towards Yemen. The findings show that with the Islamic Revolution of Iran, a new spirit was breathed into the Shiite movements in Yemen, and they have added to the geopolitics of the Shiites by following the example of the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and following the values ​​of the Islamic Revolution. Therefore, concerns from some countries in the region, especially Saudi Arabia, about the impact of the Islamic Revolution on Yemen have led it to interfere in the internal affairs of Yemen in a soft and hard way.

With the formation of the United Emirates in 1971, we are witnessing the efforts of this country to increase its regional power. In order to become a regional power, this country does not have the ability to compete with highly populated and territorially large countries, so it has tried to gain cooperation with major powers, strengthen its military power, territorial expansion and a more active presence in the West. Asia and North Africa to make up for their lack. In this article, the main question is what are the strategies of the United Arab Emirates to increase regional influence in West Asia and North Africa? And in response to the question, this hypothesis has been proposed that the United Arab Emirates is trying to increase its regional influence by building artificial islands, increasing purchases and creating military bases, conspiracy and military attack against countries.