الهه کولایی

Russia's attack has military consequences not only for Europe and the world but also for the exit door. The political-security relations between Iran and Russia have also been affected by this war. Iran is important against war in two ways. First, Iran's direction in this war affects the relations between the two countries. Second, this issue affects Iran's position in the international system. The main question of this article is "How has Iran's behavior been regarding the war and what effect has it had on its relations with Russia?" The authors assume that "Iran has been cautious about the dangerous war, that is, on the one hand, it has not condemned Russia's involvement in the government, but it has also not supported it." This policy is followed to maintain the relations between the two countries. The people who in this article, the theoretical commentator of neoclassical realism, examine the Islamic Republic of Iran against the war and its impact on Iran's relations with Russia. This research shows that Tehran has found war as a factor in improving and developing relations with Moscow. However, the nature of these relationships does not change fundamentally. From Iran's point of view, the drivers and pillars of relations with Russia are stable. Russia's relations are one of Iran's most important geopolitical partners and it has followed one of its strategies. The method of this research is qualitative with descriptive-analytical.

After the end of the bipolar system, by changing the geopolitical and geostrategic dynamics of the Eurasian environment, a new space for conflict and competition between governments was created in order to use the existing opportunities. In this regard, the Islamic Republic of Iran, as one of the important players in the region and the international system, tried to play an important role in this new game by recognizing the independence of the Central Asian countries and establishing political and economic relations with these countries. But gradually and with the subsidence of the collapse fever, the position of Central Asia in Iran's foreign policy decreased and space was opened for Iran's rivals in the region. Currently, the volume of trade between Iran and Central Asian countries clearly shows that Iran is not even among the top 10 trading partners of Central Asian countries.On the other hand, in recent years, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union, governments have addressed the issue of transportation and strategic corridors to the extent that they seek to strengthen regional and extra-regional cooperation and convergence within these corridors. Today, strategic corridors and ports, with the participation and assistance of the countries of the region can create a suitable ground for the formation and strengthening of convergence and cooperation in the region. In this regard, China and Pakistan are looking for their economic and strategic interests in the framework of the huge project China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the development of the port of Gwadar. China's $ 46 billion investment in the corridor is designed to bypass the Straits of Malacca and the long Indian Ocean route. In addition to high economic costs, the passage of Chinese commercial ships through the Strait of Malacca poses security risks for China due to the strong presence of India and the United States in the region. On the other hand, Chabahar is the focal point of Iran for the development and expansion of the communication routes of the countries located in the northern part of the Indian Ocean and Central Asia. Due to its unique geographical location, Chabahar is one of the 10 most important ports in the world, which can be transformed into a mega port. In confirming the transit advantage of Chabahar port, it is important to mention that in the program of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), the shores of the Oman Sea, where Chabahar port is located, is known as the closest intercontinental energy transfer route.

Reserch question: 

What factors will strengthen and deepen regional cooperation and improve Iran's relations with Central Asian countries?

Research Hypothesis: 

Chabahar Port and the North-South Corridor play an important role in facilitating cooperation and improving Iran's economic relations with Central Asia.

Methodology and theoretical framework: 

The authors use Cantori and Spiegel model and especially emphasize the extra-regional influencing factor. According to Cantori and Spiegel, the region is a concept based on a combination of geographical proximity and political context, increasing interactions, expanding the framework of common institutions and common cultural identities. For their study, they use a qualitative method with a descriptive-analytical approach.

Currently, the Central Asian region has become the scene of competition between regional and extra-regional powers. The importance of this region is such that two of the six branches of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative pass through the countries of Central Asia, but at the same time, this region is landlocked and to access international open waters, it is necessary to cross other countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran and especially the Chabahar port has the capacity to connect Central Asian countries to international open waters. But on the other hand, Gwadar port as a rival port of Chabahar has attracted the attention of Central Asian countries as well as China. China and Pakistan plan to increase the capacity of Gwadar port to 400 million tons per year in 2045. China is also trying to make Gwadar port a hub port capable of simultaneously berthing 88 motherships by 2050, which will tip the balance in South Asia, West Asia, Central Asia, East, and South Asia in favor of competitors.

Today, strategic corridors and ports can create the basis for the formation and strengthening of convergence and cooperation in the region if the countries of the region participate and help in different dimensions. Currently, China and Pakistan are looking for their economic and strategic interests in the framework of the huge project “China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)” and the development of Gwadar port as a jewel of the strategic relations of the two countries. China's $46 billion investment in the CPEC Corridor is designed to bypass the Strait of Malacca and the long Indian Ocean route. By launching Chabahar-Sarkhs railway lines and trying to attract the participation of Central Asian countries in this field by inviting Indian investors, Chabahar port can create conditions for deepening and expanding cooperation between Iran and Central Asia and improving Iran's position in the region. If active socio-economic diplomacy is pursued, in addition to Chabahar port, the North-South Corridor will have a serious impact on Iran's economic and trade relations with Central Asian countries.

During the last two centuries, particularly in the post-World War II period, many former colonies in the Middle East have gained independence. However, there is a growing gap between countries—dichotomized into different groups in the international system such as Developed or Undeveloped, North or South, First World or Third World, Center or Periphery, West or East, and so on. The Middle East or ‘the Islamic East’ is one of the regions which have been suffering from either drastic backwardness or dependent development. In postcolonial discourse, the epistemological agency of the non-European world is revived and the one-sided narration of westerners about the whole world is not the only source of knowledge. Intellectual and political elites of the newly independent societies as ‘nationalist and anticolonialist subjects’ entered into battle in order to change the subordinate position of these countries in the international order and find ways to overcome the problem of underdevelopment and dependence on the western countries, but these so-called ‘Middle Easterners subjects’ as referred to in this paper were unable to be independent subjects and actually became subjected to the influence of the external forces. Most Middle Eastern intellectual and political elites had to change their attitudes and activities due to eurocentrism, especially in the area of foreign policy and international relations. As the subjects of the Eurocentric international order, they unconsciously cooperated with the forces which intended to maintain the existing international order, despite the fact that they were initially trying to change this superior-subordinate arrangement in protest against its unequal nature.  The so-called subjectivity of  these elites has led  to an even expanding backwardness in many parts of the region.The authors’ main objective is to answer the following research questions:  1. How have the postcolonial discourses, which have originated from the Eurocentric international order been reinforced? 2. Why were the anti-colonial elites of the Middle East ultimately influenced by the Eurocentric view in spite of their initial opposition to eurocentrism? In the research hypothesis, it is argued that the worldview of eurocentrism of the Middle Eastern elites and intellectuals have acted as positive reinforces of the Eurocentrism perspective and orientation in the Middle Eastern countries. To answer these questions, they use the framework of the theories of post-colonialism, and draw conclusions from Spivak's discussions of the subalterns and domination, Edward Said's writings on the subject of Orientalism, and the discourse of the elites of the so-called Islamic East who had struggled to confront the challenge of backwardness of their countries during the 1960-1970 period. The findings of the research showed that even some of the staunchest anti-colonial political elites and intellectuals—in spite of their rebellion against imperial powers and critical views of the Eurocentric attitudes of the westerners—ended up as the subjects of the European-dominated international order. Such results are valuable for understanding the persistent backwardness of countries in the Middle East which are confronted with this challenge in different ways and varying degrees of severity.

This research applies a descriptive-analytical approach to explain historical aspects and consequently interprets the data regarding the left movement and left wing women based on the Anthony Giddens's construction theory in the second Pahlavi dynasty.In this regard, after examining the developments of the left movement and the political and social activities of left wing women, we will try to answer the question that what effects the political and social actions of left wing women have had on the process of political development in Iran in the second Pahlavi dynasty?To answer the above question according to Giddens's construction theory, There is a mutual relationship between structure and agent which based on, the left wing women as agents of the left movement had potential to influence the political structure of the Pahlavi dynasty and play a role in establishing a developed political system.As result, this research reveals the political and social actions of left wing women, due to the political structure of the Pahlavi regime and the domination of dictatorship, had no effective role in the process of political development and establishment of a democratic system.

There is no doubt that during wars, women have not only been the victims, but they have also been considered as influencers. Thus, in many international activities they are the aims of many conventions and resolutions based on planning for protecting them and keeping their human rights. Of course, in the domestic level, there are a process of law making and policy implementation to defend women in the time of armed conflicts and after that, especially in the process of peace keeping. The authors with a critical approach examine different policies and programs in this respect in Iran and the US and show disparity between men and women in this regard. This inequality is mainly the result of functions of social and cultural infrastructures of the societies. Although in Iran the procedures of law making has many difficulties in its nature. The main question of this paper is that: what is the impact of gender consideration in the implementation of protective rules for the people who have been engaged in different stages of the war? The authors focus on positive discrimination to reduce neglected condition of women in this respect in Iran.

Russia's military attack on Ukraine has had profound consequences not only for the Middle East, but also for the world. The political-security relations of the two countries, have been affected by this war. Since the beginning of Russia's military operation in Ukraine, Tehran has accepted Moscow's rationale for this attack and has shown its political support at the United Nations General Assembly, but Iran has been cautious in fully supporting this war. Iran's approach regarding the war in Ukraine is important in two ways. First, Iran's orientation towards this war affects Tehran's relations with Moscow. Second, this orientation affects Iran's interests in the international system.For this reason, the main question of this article is "What was Iran's attitude towards the war in Ukraine and how did it affect the relations between Tehran and Moscow?" The hypothesis of the authors is that "Iran's approach towards the war in Ukraine has been cautious - it has neither officially condemned nor supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine - this policy is aimed at maintaining and continuing the relations between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to examine the orientations of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the war in Ukraine and its effect on the country's relations with Russia. The authors' method in this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach.

The creation of new republics in Central Asia after the Soviet government fall changed the geopolitics of northeast Iran. Thus, the borders of the region, formerly known as threatening borders, evolved as an opportunity to recreate Iran's role in an area outside of Iran's direct influence. The end of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq and the independence of the Asian countries led Tehran to consider the republics of the region as a new and further opportunity. Throughout this period, with the rise of four constructive governments, reforms, principles, and the hope of relations with the Central Asian region in various political-security, economic and cultural areas. However, the achievements were not expected. Therefore, in this study, in a qualitative and descriptive-analytical approach, we seek to examine the desirable foreign policy pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Central Asian region, and we seek to answer the question that what the most appropriate approach to foreign policy to is secure the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Central Asia? In response to this question, the hypothesis has been examined that the cultural approach is more capable of developing Iranian-Asian relations through the use of semantic components in the form of a joint Islamic-Iranian heritage than other approaches.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have been able to endure their independent sovereignty without crisis, conflict, war, and instability. The main question of the present research states: which factor leads us to political and sovereign stability? And what has been the extent of the Soviet Union’s role and influence in this stability? The hypothesis and answer to this question is based on this foundation that the continuity of the former party leaders’ governance, traditions of political patriarchy, and the effective heritage of the Soviet Union in establishing political, civil, and social institutions in these countries have been the most important factors of this stability. Each of the leaders of these republics has tried to establish the foundations of legitimacy and acceptability on the basis of traditions and continue their authoritarian ruling on this basis. The heritage of Lenin and Stalin’s nation-building and Soviet Union’s developmental policies, as well as forty years of governing experience by indigenous people in these countries and its combination with traditional authoritarianism has led to political and social stability in Central Asian Republics after independence. The main purpose of the present research is to understand the political complexities in Central Asia and find the historical roots of contemporary trends and the effect of nation-building process in these countries and a delicate comparison with their neighbor, Afghanistan, which is faced with instability due to the absence of nation-building and the non-effective heritage of Britain. In this research, in addition to benefitting from personal and field experiences, library resources has been used on the basis of content analysis of historical events and sociological perspective.

After the disintegration of the USSR, Central Asia as an important part of this political system was exposed to serious changes and developments. Bankrupt economies, the persistence of outdated patterns and traditions of political action, and fragmented identity foundations plagued the Central Asian republics in the early 1990s. Regarding the issue of identity, during the Soviet era, Moscow worked to suppress the emergence of any ethnic (Turkish, Persian) or religious (Islamic) identities that would pose a threat to the ideology of Communism. But with the collapse of this union, the Central Asian republics were in a position in which Iran and Turkey were trying to use identity-based foreign policies to invest in new geographies. In the meantime, the political elites of the Central Asian countries decided to accept the models presented by the international actors to get out of this impasse. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey were two neighbors that were mentioned more than others in the minds of the leaders of these republics. Considering some common cultural-identity heritages of these two countries with these republics, both of these powers tried to penetrate this region by using cultural elements.But the cultural policies of Tehran and Ankara gradually faced serious obstacles.

What is the main challenge facing the cultural diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Central Asia?

For Iran, the securitization of its cultural agendas and for Turkey, the whisper of Ottomanism and fear of Turkey's regional dominance is the main challenge for their cultural diplomacy toward Central Asia.

This research is applied based on purpose and descriptive based on data collection. Also, this research was done after the event. This means that the researcher studies the possible cause of the dependent variable and the independent and dependent variables that occurred in the past. In this article, Public and cultural diplomacy have been selected as the theoretical framework and will be explained subsequently.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Central Asian republics underwent serious changes. The fundamental question is "Who am I?" Or, to be more precise, the identity crisis has been raised as an important challenge for these republics. Moscow could not give them a new identity, and therefore the identity crisis was formed in parallel with the political, economic, and security crises in the new republics. In this situation, these countries sought to create an identity from the very beginning of their independence, so that it would be a solid foundation for them to form a nation-state. The near horizon of these republics was Iran and Turkey, with whom they had identity and cultural affinity more than others. With the knowledge of the elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey about this loss, the revival and consolidation of cultural relations along with political, economic and security relations were put on the agenda of Tehran and Ankara. Iran entered into cultural relations with these republics based on categories such as cultural, linguistic (in a more limited dimension), religious and historical commonalities. But the main issue for Iran was the security perspective.Turkey defined Central Asia as a land for its cultural influence due to some important factors such as extensive linguistic and religious commonalities and pursued diplomacy and cultural efforts towards this region in the 1990s. Turkey also faced challenges in the way of advancing its cultural policies. Turkish imperialism and the arrogance of Central Asian Turks is the key to understanding Turkey's cultural challenges in this region. Iran's cultural foreign policy officials should be aware of the sensitivities and security concerns of Central Asian leaders and remove the perception of "other" from Iran in all their cultural activities in these republics. To improve the status of Iran's cultural diplomacy in Central Asia, this article suggests that Iran should follow strategies at three national, regional, and global levels.

With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the countries of Central Asia faced deep identity crises and were unable to establish their nation-states. Also the Central Asian republics were exposed to serious changes and developments. The basic question "Who am I?" Or to put it more precisely, the identity crisis has emerged as an important challenge for these republics.  With these developments, the arena was available for actors like Iran and Turkey more than others. Because both Iran and Turkey had characteristics that made it possible for them to be active in Central Asia. However, due to the lack of proper understanding of the Central Asian environment, Iran and Turkey made some strategic mistakes. Ultimately, they failed to capitalize on the Central Asian identity crisis. However, Turkey was a little more successful compared to Iran.

The occurrence of the Russian Revolution of 1917 influenced the growth of political groups with leftist tendencies, and had an impact  on a small segment of Iranian women in the society. In the framework of Marxist school, the inferior position of women in the contemporary societies is attributed to the unfair historical process of the formation of exploitation and exploitative relationships. Since Marx and Engels considered politics and political power to be dependent on the economic infrastructure, they naturally considered the reason for women's lack of political participation to be her economic dependency as well as her being oppressed and exploited in the family and society at large. Although they did not pay sufficient attention to the issue of women's political participation, other Marxist leading figures such as Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, and Lenin defended the equal rights of men and women in a way which led to the formation of the schools of Marxist and socialist feminism. These thinkers believed that the most important step for women's liberation is the abolition of private property and the elimination of exploitative classes, because the way for their liberation would be paved by these actions first and foremost. Based on this belief, Marxism presented a materialistic analysis and a scientific perspective for women's freedom, which was considered to be the responsibility of governments and Marxist parties all over the world, including the Tudeh Party of Iran and its affiliated Women's Democratic Organization (WDO).Before the formation of Tudeh Party (the so-called the Party of the Iranian Masses), it was only the Communist Party of Iran that defended the political and social rights of women within the framework of its ideology. Accordingly, this party took measures to promote socialist tendency among women's  rights  activists  and their  organizations  by  presenting  plans  and programs to transform the living conditions of Iranian women, which were temporarily interrupted as a result of the establishment of Reza Shah's dictatorship. Despite some achievements in social and legal fields aimed at extending modern western-style social rights to women in Iran, Reza Shah’s regime created obstacles for their political rights and prevented them from engaging in non-governmental political activities. The changed Post-September 1941 political environment resulted from the vacuum created by the ending of the first Pahlavi Shah’s rule followed by the coming into power of his inexperience young heir as well as the continued intervention of the great powers in Iranian internal affairs facilitated the formation of new political organizations with different political, religious, ethnic outlook. Some groups and organization had communist and socialist inclinations and programs. Among these organizations was the Women's Democratic Organization — affiliated with the communist Tudeh party of Iran— and created at the same time as other similar organizations with the objective of defending women's rights.The Two questions posed in this study are as follows: 1. What were the main objectives of the Women's Democratic Organization (WDO) affiliated with the communist Tudeh Party of Iran? and 2. How successful was this organization in achieving its objectives? In the hypothesis, it is postulated that the formation of women's democratic organization was largely influenced by Tudeh party's attempt to penetrate the social structure of Iran and using the capacities of women's society in order to achieve its political goals. Therefore, by addressing political issues instead of general women's issues and problems, and especially neglecting and confronting the religious and customary traditions of the society, women's organization were prevented from achieving a sustainable success. Focusing on a descriptive-analytical approach, the authors analyze qualitative data on  the characteristics and function of this organization collected from historical documents, memoirs, books, and articles written by the WDO’s founders, supporters, critics, and various experts. The findings of the research, while clarifying the political participation of a notable segment of the society of Iranian women in the given period of time, indicate that the ideological leftist line of the Tudeh party was adopted by the Women's Democratic Organization, and consequently provoked the opposition of the traditional and religious groups in the society. Moreover, the establishment of authoritarianism in the country lead to the failure of   this organization to achieve its ultimate objectives.

In recent years, Russia's soft power has attracted the attention of many Central Eurasian researchers. Actions taken by Russia to develop relations with Central Asian countries are usually called soft power. The using Russia's soft power policy in Central Asia can be examined from different dimensions. Therefore, the article's central question is how Russia's use of soft power tools in Central Asia has influenced the foreign policy of the countries in the region. The hypothesis of the article is that Russia's use of soft power tools has led to the intellectual alignment of Central Asian leaders with Russia and their greater cooperation with the country's foreign policy goals. In this research, by using the theory of neoclassical realism and explanatory-analytical research method, the logic of using Russia's soft power in Central Asia, the efficiency of Russia's strategy in the Central Asia region, and the reasons and factors that determine Russia's soft power in the region have been discussed. It is the findings of this research show that transnational personal relations act as Moscow's main mechanism to influence the direction of the foreign policy of Central Asian countries.

The countries of Iran and Russia have long been two important poles on both sides of the Caspian Sea, which are located in the heartland and rimland regions of the world. The geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the mentioned countries compared to other countries in the region has caused them to play a more dynamic role in the political equations of Central Asia and the Caucasus. Since today the factor of geopolitical power and weight has become doubly important in international relations and Russia is considered as a global power and Iran as a regional power; Two countries always use these factors in their relations to apply their policies. Hans Morgenth's theory of realism, which emphasizes the balance of power and the role of the power agent, is proof of this claim. This article tries to analyze the geopolitical relations between Iran and Russia after the Islamic Revolution with a descriptive analytical method and from the perspective of the balance of power theory. Therefore, the results of the research indicate that, just as Morgenth emphasizes the factor of power and national interests as the most important indicator in international relations, Russia always maintains all its political relations with Iran, especially in the issues of the Central Asia-Caucasus-Shamat region. And the JCPOA has been formulated in line with its national interests and has used its tactical relations with Iran based on strategic goals to increase its geopolitical power and weight. But it seems that decision makers in the field of foreign relations pay more attention to these factors.

One of the most important events of the twentieth century was undoubtedly the disintegration of the Soviet Union, which opened a new phase of multidimensional interaction for both successor states and other countries involved in this historical evolution. The post-Soviet countries are confronted with the consequences and legacies of their historical past that have profound implications for the convergence of regional countries. Russia and other post-Soviet countries have inherited similar institutions from the past, including state institutions, political, social and security mentalities, political culture, the style of government-society relations. The newly independent states were trying to solve their domestic problems with the support of foreign powers, but the initial enthusiasm for integration with the Western countries subsided. Similar problems emerged in countries with similar cultural and ethnic structures. It can be argued that the trend toward convergent policies has taken a long time. Shared values and norms and similar mentalities can help Eurasian convergence. In this paper, the concept of social and cultural integration in Eurasia in the post-Soviet era with regard to the soft power of Russia in the Eurasian region is examined by examining the factors of religion, language, media and education to show the social and cultural integration in Eurasia at the level What has been going on within the region and beyond since 1992? It is hypothesized that social and cultural integration in Eurasia, influenced by Russia's soft power, has a clear perspective on political and economic liberalization and the decline of authoritarianism elsewhere in the region and the process of globalization.In this article, Russia is considered a hegemonic power in the post-Soviet space. Developments in the post-Soviet period show that Russia is unwilling to back down from its role as a regulatory player in Central Eurasian affairs. Russia's post-collapse foreign policy is based on a combination of pragmatism and a commitment to the traditional desire to have a plan for a great power. The position of Central Eurasia in Russian foreign policy has not changed. Russia seeks to excel in Eurasian integration, including cultural and social integration. When Putin came to power, he put bilateral relations with countries in the region on the agenda. Although the organization has not been successful in terms of member convergence, favorable areas for convergence among its members are notable, including the Russian Monroe religion, the presence of racists in the former Soviet republics, and the region's energy and military dependence on Russia. The monopoly economies of these countries, which have made each other dependent on exports and imports, make Russian the second language of most of the republics that survived the collapse of the Soviet Union, maintain border security, and cooperate in the fight against fundamentalism and drug trafficking. In this article, after a brief look at the fate of national cultures in the world era and culture, the impact on regional convergence under the cultural and social treatment of the Soviet era and the soft power of Russia in the Yeltsin and Putin eras. Then check the usability of the software including Russian language, religion and education system. The method of writing this article is descriptive-analytical and with boron collecting data from authoritative scientific sources: books, scientific-research articles and licensed websites.In this regard each country achieves the preservation and strengthening of its national, ethnic and religious identity through the better cultural integration of the regions. Thus, cultural convergence is not only a threat to preserve and strengthen the identity of the nations of the region, but also confronts external and threatening factors of national identities, such as extremist currents. While the nations of Central Asia and the Caucasus have many historical, cultural, religious and religious ties, due to negligence, incompetence and unfounded aspirations, today some cultural ties originate. Disagreements have become like disputes over cultural and literary luminaries.The following conditions are necessary to create regional cultural convergence:- Understand the importance of the issue of extremism as a serious threat and common challenge, by all countries in the region- Lack of baseless and destructive synergistic superiorityExplain key and common cultural values among the countries of the region- Group cohesion of the countries of the region and having the spirit of collective work, interaction and cultural synergy- Active participation of all countries in the region in designing and implementing a roadmap to counter extremist currents and consensus of member countries on this solutionAdequate preparation and flexibility for quick decisions and the use of new, creative and innovative approaches, methods and tools against extremism. The cultural system was formed in 1920-1930 and continued until 1980 despite some changes. In the mid-1980s, Gorbachev made major changes in Soviet culture with the performance of Glasnost and Perestroika, which eased ideological and media pressure on the media and administrative control of the country's educational and cultural institutions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Yeltsin undertook fundamental economic reforms and encouraged integration with the Western world. First, steps were taken to regain control of Russia in the region. However, the Russian elite sought to expand Russian-Western relations. From 1993 onwards, Russian elites began to emphasize the importance of post-Soviet geography and soft power policies in the region. These efforts were initially made by Yevgeny Primakov and the Eurasianists, but the policies implemented for convergence were not successful. With the advent of the Putin era, Russia began to develop soft power tools by pursuing policies to maximize its interests in the post-Soviet space. In the post-Soviet space, Russia strengthened its position in Central Eurasia as part of a policy of soft power. This ability is based on two important tools: language and education. Russia began to develop multilateral and bilateral relations, in a preventive manner, with the former Soviet republics. Russia is developing its soft power capabilities, but many of its problems have not yet been resolved so that it can be considered a powerful soft power. . Both soft power and hard power policies are implemented in parallel with creating a favorable environment for the Russian Federation in post-Soviet geography.

The overall economic framework for building Greater Eurasia, including Russia, China, and Central Asia, is more closely linked to the Chinese One Belt One Road Initiative and the Cooperation Agreement between the project and the Eurasian Economic Union. Along with traditional Russian influence, China's growing growth is strongly felt in Central Asia and is a major factor in shaping the new structure of the Greater Eurasian regions. The geopolitical situation in the convergence of Central Asian countries makes Russia and China the only options available to them. Political and military convergence with Russia in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, as well as economic convergence with Russia in the Eurasian Economic Union, are key elements. The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method and within the framework of the concept of multidimensional foreign policy with the aim of providing a systematic analysis of the interests of Central Asian countries involved in the current approach of Russia and China. How do Russia and China play a role? The research hypothesis is that the countries of Central Asia seek to balance the growing influence of Russia and China in the Greater Eurasia Plan by adopting a " Multi -vector foreign policy". The findings show that Central Asian countries are forced to converge with China and Russia due to geopolitical determinism, but on the other hand, in order to be dominated in this process, they have developed relations with the West and the Islamic world.

Today, the unique role of the media as an important tool for promoting development in society can not be denied. In this regard, this article describes the qualitative method based on the classical (data of the Glaser Foundation) in the form of a report on the implementation of the doctoral dissertation. In this research, classical theory (Glaser) is used because in this approach, unlike other approaches of theory based, there is a lack of theory and the researcher's preconceptions are suspended and the problem appears from the data and it is the data that They reveal the theory This research is important because by conducting this study, the existing policies of the country and the measures taken in this field will be examined and analyzed based on the opinion of experts to determine the consequences for using or not usingwomen's capabilities. The components of attitude change, popular institutions, motivation by managers, needs assessment, use of new technologies and audience research were identified and finally It can be concluded that press policy with emphasis on the human development of women should be based on the self-direction of the press in order to draw a vision of development in society.

Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has pursued more independent foreign policy toward Russia's regionalism. Based on the two countries that had signed the Union Treaty in 1999, Russia called for Belarus to be more cooperative and integrative in economic, political, security, and institutional dimensions. But Belarus not only has not implemented many of the provisions of the Union State and refused Russia's multifaceted demands on more convergent policies within Eurasian institutions and has strived to expand relations with members of the European Union and other trans-regional powers. This issue has caused tensions between Russia and Belarus. Belarus has always been considered Russia's closest ally. Russia has had serious tensions with all of its neighbors since the collapse of the Soviet Union, but Belarus has been an exception and recognized as a pro-Russian state. Russia has long been the main and exclusive guarantor of Belarus' security and economy. In terms of trade, Russia has by far been Belarus' largest trading partner and on the cultural aspects, linguistic closeness and common religion, ethnicity, and history have been the reasons for Belarus' alignment with Russia. Tensions between the two countries have risen severely, especially since Putin. In terms of energy, Putin has put Belarus in a tight spot and has repeatedly cut off gas supplies to Belarus, which is dependent exclusively on Russian energy. On the other hand, Lukashenko has repeatedly condemned Russia and Putin with unprecedented and blunt statements. In addition, the government has begun significant cooperation with the European Union.

 what is the cause of the tensions between Russia and Belarus, especially during the Putin era?

Three factors of (a) rising tensions between Russia and world powers, (b) Belarus' independent approach to Russia, and (c) Belarus's tendency to cooperate with "outside powers" such as the European Union, has led Russia to push pressure on Belarus for more integration and this pressure has increased tensions between the two countries.

The theoretical framework of this research is based on Olaf Knudsen's analytical model, which is used to evaluate the relationships of small powers with opposing poles of global power. In this paper the research methodology for studying the hypothesis is explanatory. Data collection tools are libraries and internet resources.

The factors that increase tensions between the two countries are the EU's Eastern Partnership strategy, the Ukraine crisis, Russia's forced regionalism, energy disputes, and the expansion of Belarus' relations US. The first concerns the Eastern Partnership strategy. The EU Eastern Partnership Strategy was adopted in 2009 for six Eastern European countries, including Belarus. Russia saw the strategy as a geopolitical conspiracy by the West and the European Union to weaken RussiaIn this regard, Belarus has taken several measures, including the release of political prisoners, electoral law reform, lowering restrictions on NGOs, making laws to increase media freedom, increasing freedoms in the 2008 parliamentary elections, dialogue with political opponents, and allowing the sale of some from their newspapers, propaganda in favor of the European Union and inviting senior members of the EU. Lukashenko traveled to Western countries such as Italy in 2009 after 13 years, and then Berlusconi became the first high-ranking leader to visit Belarus in 14 years. The second is the Ukraine crisis, which has two important effects. First, Belarus resembles itself and Ukraine, thinking that Belarus might be Russia's next target. Second, since the Ukraine crisis and the annexation of Crimea to Russia, tensions between Russia and the European Union escalated unprecedentedly. As tensions between Russia and the West increased, Russia's pressure on Belarus to develop integration has increased. So the third is Russian regionalism. Russia's efforts to create a cohesive and integrated region have failed. Because of their collective memory, Russia's neighbors in Eurasia fear that Russia will violate their national sovereignty. Belarus is also one country that is very skeptical about Russia's regional goals. Russia has officially stated that Belarus' integration into Russia is possible and desirable and that six Belarussian provinces could be added to 89 Russian regions.The fourth is energy. Russia has repeatedly used energy tools to pursue political interests in Belarus. The first case was in 2002 and the last case was in January 2020. Belarus is heavily dependent on Russian oil and gas to meet its domestic needs and to generate revenue from the processing and sale of energy. In the most recent case, the cessation of energy exports to Belarus in 2020, Russia explicitly stated that sustainable re-export of energy to Belarus was conditional on Belarus complying with the provisions of the Union State Treaty. Belarus met with US officials such as Bolton and Pompeo in 2019 and 2020, and the United States delivered its first oil shipment to Belarus in May 2020, promising to supply energy to Belarus. Russia considers the presence of NATO and the United States in Eastern Europe to be the most important security problem, and strongly opposes the development of relations between Belarus and the United States

All of these factors have led to unprecedented tensions between Russia and Belarus. Despite the protests of the Belarusian people against Lukashenko in 2020 and 2021 and the escalation of tensions between Belarus and the European Union and the rapprochement of Belarus and Russia, tensions between the two countries have temporarily eased However, it should be noted that the reason for the conflict between the two countries is fundamental and will continue with or without Lukashenko. Belarus seeks partnership and alliance but Russia seeks integration and unification. The threats of the European Union are limited to criticizing issues such as human rights. But Russia's threats go far beyond the disintegration of Belarus and the annexation of part of its territory to Russia, as in the case of Georgia and Ukraine, rather, Russia, as its politicians have repeatedly stated publicly and officially, claims to dominate the whole of the independent nation-state of Belarus, based on its specific interpretation of the Union State. So the realization of scenarios such as the Ukraine crisis over Belarus is not far-fetched.

The authors of this article show that the Iran-Iraq war and women's participation in it have been a major factor in women's reflection of their social status in Iran after the Islamic Revolution. The basis of this research is interviews with several women fighters and analysis of the content of these interviews. These women generally come from traditional families, but their presence on the battlefield has challenged many of their traditional norms. They talked about the do's and don'ts of gender, during the eight-year war and in post-war society, and about discrimination between women fighters and men in official institutions. However, after analyzing the content of the interviews, the results showed that their participation in the war and their success in performing their duties on the fronts was a factor for reflection in their traditional roles and a challenge in traditional discourse. These conditions have prepared them to enter the public arena and have made their demands wider and different.

The major economic plans in the Eurasia are deeply rooted in the great games played by the regional states for the purpose of constantly gaining more power and ever-expanding influence in order to acquire and maintain an advantageous position in the international system. The main function of the North-South Corridor as an economic project is to facilitate transportation and trade at the regional and global levels. In this paper, the authors attempt to find answers to the following research question: How will  the trilateral cooperation of Iran-Azerbaijan-Russia in the North-South Corridor affect Iran’s national security? Within the framework of Gilpin's theory of the global economy and the challenges and opportunities in intensifying economic integration by trade and investment, they examine the consequences of economic cooperation between Iran and the two Eurasian states of Russia and Azerbaijan. In the substantive hypothesis, it is asserted that these three countries’ cooperation in the North-South international corridor facilitates transportation and trade of commodities, and improves Iran's political relations with regional countries by reducing threats and providing Iran with opportunities for mutually beneficial economic interactions in Eurasia. One of the purposes of the paper is to understand the nature of relations between Iran, Russia and Azerbaijan. In the past, political and military considerations had a greater impact on the relations between Iran and Russia, as compared to economic ones.     During the Cold War, Iran was an arena for confrontation where conflict between the great powers played out, because the rival states sought to    gain more influence in Iran as one of the most strategically located states in the  region. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Moscow continued to pursue the goal of maintaining  cordial relations with Tehran in the hope of preventing the rival powers from driving a wedge between the two states. Russia keeps a watchful eye on Iran’s foreign policy and its impact on the Caspian Sea, Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East. The North-South corridor came at a time when Putin was proposing the idea of Russia acting as a modern law-abiding great power. In line with this policy, Moscow decided to increase its bilateral cooperation with Iran and simultaneously interact constructively with the West. The inauguration of Donald Trump as the new U.S. president, followed by the withdrawal of Washington from the JCPOA, as well as the reimposition of additional economic sanctions against Iran, weakened the P5-Iran nuclear deal, and were among the factors which influenced the nature of Iran-Russia relations during Putin's fourth term. After the outbreak of war in Syria, and the advent of different approaches adopted by the leaders in the two countries to support the Bashar Assad regime demonstrated the limits of Moscow-Tehran cooperation in the region. However, Russia under Putin has often sought to treat Iran as a regional power in contrast to the U.S. regional policies. Despite their different foreign policy objectives as related to certain policy issues such as Syria and Israel, Iran and Russia still have the intention and capability to cooperate in Eurasia and elsewhere in the international system. Western sanctions against Iran and Russia have created another reason for the two countries’ interest in expanding bilateral trade ties.      Iran with its large population provides a large market for Russian goods and services, and  thus Russia has tried to encourage closer cooperation between Iran and the member states of Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).  For its part, Iran also looks at the EEU with its significant market as a good opportunity to become one of the most important routes for the transfer of goods and services between the countries in this union and South Asia, particularly India. Iranian policymakers have planned to improve economic and trade relations between Iran and South Caucasian countries. The North-South corridor has also created a good opportunity for Iran and the Republic of Azerbaijan to work toward more cooperation based on mutual interest. The government in Baku joined the process in 2005 with the aim of increasing its strategic importance and power in the South Caucasus.In order to analyze the relationship between the volume of trade facilitated by the North-South Corridor and Iran's political and economic security in the Caucasus, the authors rely on the available secondary data sources as well as data collected by the use of the method of  survey research in which a group of experts were asked to complete a questionnaire. The result showed that most respondents considered the impact of economic factors (e.g., free trade, customs status and security of basic goods) to be more important than the political-security factors (e.g., terrorism, extremism and the rivalry of major powers). The findings show that the North-South corridor will certainly have positive economic consequences by facilitating trade, but it could indirectly bring about non-economic benefits by encouraging closer political  ties which will help these states to collectively combat terrorism and confront other common security threats. Iran’s cooperation with Russia and Azerbaijan in completing the North-South corridor will increase regional trade and economic mobility and will enhance Iran’s national security due to the following reasons: 1. Encouraging free trade, 2. Modernizing trade infrastructure, 3. Increasing the investment by the private sector, 4. Facilitating economic diversification, 5. Decreasing the negative impact of U.S. sanctions against Iran and Russia, 6. Increasing Iran’s economic relations with the Eurasian countries which might generate more export revenues, 7. Increasing Iran’s bargaining power on various regional issues, 8. Iran’s membership in regional organizations reduces its international isolation and helps it to be in a better position to interact with state and non-state extra-regional players such as the World Bank, and WTO, 9. Facilitating regional cooperation in confronting external security threats in the region. However, for the purpose of achieving maximum benefits from cooperation based on the North-South Corridor, strong political and economic incentives are required to motivate the Eurasian countries to work with Iran.

During a long history of bilateral relations, Iran-Russia's has experienced many changes in their relations. Against suitable capacity foe expansion economic relations, their relations have remained limited yet. Understanding the causes of this situation and continuation of limited economic relations, needs considering different internal and external factors affects on their relations. Changes in Iran's relation with international system is a very important factor in this regard. In this paper the authors focus on the two dimension of affecting element, one is the condition of decision making in Russia, and the second is influential external factors. The main element is sanctions, both America's sanctions and international sanction.The man question of this paper is that: what is the role of international factors on Iran- Russia's relations? The authors hypothesis is that international sanctions has direct impacts on Iran Russia's relations. the methodology of this research is mixed, both quantitative and qualitative.

After Barack Obama became president and came into office in 2008, Washington showed a new strong inclination to fix the damaged relations with Russia. In the early years of pursuing this new policy, it seems the relations between them put in the right direction but contrary to this optimism and before finishing the first term of Obama’s presidency, relations began to deteriorate. There are varying reasons for that,, but without falling in the trap of single cause explanation, this study seeks to show how hidden ideas of exceptionalism in American political society and Obama’s national security doctrine as well, affected relations, particularly on the Reset policy. This study by gathering documents that narrate the existence of a political-cultural pressure on the Obama administration shows that American exceptionalism as a force of strategic culture has had a remarkable role in preventing of advancing of reset policy between the US and Russia.

ASEAN moved in the direction of economic-security cooperation and cultural-social cooperation almost simultaneously, and with its roadmap, envisioned and implemented the creation of three structural communities. By 2015, three communities named Security, Economic, and Socio-Cultural were active. Although ASEAN focuses more on the economic sphere, it cannot be said that the other two pillars of this organization are inactive. What is important about ASEAN is that it does not take a hasty position and is in conflict with a particular member. Although the Arab League against ASEAN, as a regional organization, has a longer history of regionalism than ASEAN and has implemented some initiatives, it has faced many challenges. The Arab League's response to various crises has been largely a function of the organization's ideology and approach to the crisis. At times and in critical crises the League has failed to emerge as an effective organization with conflicting interests. It has turned this organization into an arena for confrontations.

The current research method is quantitative-analytic. Data compilation is based on documentary method. data are gathered from external and internal sources (books, Articles & websites). Although attempts have been made to use internal sources as well, due to the nature of the research and the needs of the authors, external sources have been used more.

ASEAN and the Arab League as two Asian organizations have some slight similarities. However, their differences are clearly deeper. These two organizations, which were formed in the post-World War II period, have each gone through a special process. ASEAN was able to play a more successful role than the Arab League for a number of reasons: 1. ASEAN, recognizing the interests of the region in economic cooperation, gradually focused on this area, and this has so far created a situation of relative interdependence; 2- The approach of the game with the result of positive and double sum between ASEAN members has caused 10 Southeast Asian countries to rely on their absolute achievements and this has minimized divergence. 3- ASEAN, although it has few components in the field of value. Has commonalities, but has been able to bring about convergence between members by valuing in different sectors.In contrast, the Arab League has been less successful than ASEAN for a variety of reasons: 1. Although the Arab League has gradually moved towards economic cooperation and the volume of intra-regional trade between its members has grown, the volume Trade within the organization is still very small; 2- The dominance of the zero-sum game approach among the members of the Arab League has been one of the main obstacles to deepening cooperation, as in various events such as the siege of Qatar, the civil war in Syria and Yemen and even Libya and Egypt, members of the Arab League relied on relative achievements. This has been an obstacle to the convergence of the Arab League, and 3. Although the Arab League has many common values, such as Islam, the Arabic language, and a common culture, the Arab League has not benefited much from these stimuli.

While there is a Muslim crescent in Southeast Asia, like the Shiite Crescent in the Middle East, from western Malaysia to the southern Philippines, this does not lead to ideological tensions in Southeast Asia and, secondly, to separatists such as Aceh and Mindanao has managed with the central government in the form of revenue-sharing and autonomy agreements, but the lack of economic interdependence and absolutism in the attitudes to issues has created a situation in the Arab League in which, In most cases, to varying degrees, the central government is not only confronted with different orientations, but also with different governmental approaches in the issues being challenged in the regional level. This not only destroys the ability to make efficient decisions, but also minimizes integration in the face of more important challenges. What should be considered in the Arab League in order to deepen regionalism is that the members should refrain from fanatical orientation, which is a factor in creating a zero-sum game, and value their common values. Multidimensional construction in various fields to provide opportunities for future cooperation. Following the example of the 3 ASEAN specialized communities can not only create a mechanism for dealing more effectively with accidents, but can also be a precondition for preventing severe crises and even mitigating them when appropriate.

Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Republic and Georgia) in 1991, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to have constructive relations with the mentioned countries in various fields by adopting a balanced policy. From Iran's perspective, the importance of the South Caucasus, in addition to its historical and cultural commonalities, lies in its neighborhood status and high potential for economic cooperation. However, due to the impact of technical and geopolitical factors, the economic relations between Iran and these countries, despite their great potential and advantages, have never reached its desired point. Although, US and UN sanctions against Iran have been a major obstacle to expanding Iran's economic cooperation with its neighbors, at the same time Russia's move to impose some restrictions on regional rivals, especially in the energy sector, and its impact on Iran's economic cooperation with the South Caucasus cannot be ignored. With the onset of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and escalating tensions with Europe and the United States that led to widespread sanctions against Russia, Moscow has turned its attention to cooperation with Eurasia and its neighbors.On the other hand, Iran's nuclear deal with the P5 + 1 in 2015 and the lifting of UN sanctions paved the way for improving cooperation between Iran and its neighbors, including Russia and the South Caucasus. Accordingly, given the variable of Russia as the most important player in the South Caucasus, the authors seek to answer the following questions: Has the change in Russia's approach to regional cooperation with neighbors since 2014 affected Iran's economic relations with the South Caucasus? And if so, what was the effect? The authors argue that,Russia has played a positive role in strengthening Iran's economic cooperation with the three countries of the South Caucasus. Using the explanatory and analytical method, the developments in the relations between Iran and the countries of the South Caucasus from 2014 to 2019 are examined according to the Russian factor. 

Gene-geopolitics or genetically geopolitics is one of the new issues in critical geopolitics. According to this issue, the hegemony of a state on a regional and trans-regional scale must impart cultural and historical homogeneity. Talking about hegemony is not possible without homogeneity and it is just being referenced to hard power, intimidation, and military potentialities. South Caucasia region includes three states of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia. The position of communication of this region with the surrounding environment throughout history has shown that the pipelines for transferring energy resources are a determining factor in its special geopolitical and geo-economics conditions. The South Caucasus which is located in southwestern Russia is one of Russia’s peripheral or the so-called “near-Abroad” environments. The region has an important role in the Eurasianism policy of Russia and Moscow has tried to prevent the dominion effect of Ukraine developments. This paper by adopting the descriptive-analytical method tries to answer this question that what is the hegemonic status of Russia concerning the significance of south Caucasia in its foreign policy? For now, Russia is considered a central power in the region and has gained considerable influence into the three states of south Caucasia. In gene-geopolitical attitude, it seems that Russia hasn’t irremovable hegemony in south Caucasia and its semi-hegemony is connected to rivalry space of Western states and Eurasianism. As a whole, Russia’s hard power in Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia will be challenged in the future through reasonable assumptions. Problem: after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia applied the policy of non-interference in its external environment for about a decade. From the time when Vladimir Putin seized power, Russia’s geopolitical codes were strengthened and revived again in continuation of the Soviet Union foreign policy. The growing importance of the Caspian Sea, its geo-economics issues, the investment, and the unprecedented presence of western powers in the newly independent states, have convinced Russian authorities to begin their presence in the external environment. Therefore, Russian foreign policy was empowered based on Eurasianism and the country tried using both hard and software tools to influence its peripheral states. The Caucasus is one of Russia’s peripheral environments or the so-called “near-abroad”. Russia has sought intervention in this region, directly and indirectly, to solidify its influence in its rivalry with the West, particularly with those of the US policies. The growing need of the countries in this region for energy extraction and finding a suitable market, has provided suitable space for Russia’s presence. However, attractive investments by Russia’s rivals, such as the European Union and the United States as well as Russia’s dependence on the sale of its energy resources, are among challenges that have made its foreign policy vulnerable in the South Caucasus. On the other hand, the lack of iconographic and spiritual elements in the Soviet Union seems to be one of the main reasons for its dissolution. Accordingly, the Soviet Union failed to establish a national identity among its members. The lack of a common history, myth, and culture that are components of gene-geopolitics paved the way for its dissolution. Nowadays, in the critical geopolitical approach, the iconographic elements that play a spiritual and cultural role in building societies have regained importance. These elements act like cement on the side of the material and connect the components firmly and durable to each other. Thus, in some respects, the lack of iconographic elements in Russian foreign policy is one of the challenges that has prevented its deep penetration into its surroundings. The authors of this article try to examine Russia’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus from a gene-geopolitical point of view qualitatively based on description and analysis. This region is one of Russia’s buffer zones in competition with the West. According to the mentioned point, there is a strong hardware and software presence in these three countries. How successful Russia’s foreign policy has been in the South Caucasus is a question that will be examined from a gene-geopolitical point of view. Question: what is Russia’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus from a gene-geopolitical point of view? Hypothesis: it seems that Russia in the South Caucasus has no hegemony. Therefore, its presence in the South Caucasus is due to the competition with Western powers and the pursuing policies of Eurasianism. Thus, Russia’s hardware presence in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia is likely to be challenging. in this article, the authors have studied the issue and hypothesis of the article with a qualitative method based on description and analysis. Moscow’s policy in the Caucasus energy sector has focused on the Republic of Azerbaijan, in the military fields the focus is on Armenia and in controlling the West’s behavior in the region it has focused on strategic competition in Georgia. Russia’s foreign policy, despite its multiple layers and constant flexibility, has no hegemonic burden. It is due to the history, culture, and ideologies of the Caucasus region. Russia has always tried to suppress them by maintaining its superior military rite. Russia's geoeconomic policies in the region also face challenges. Because Russia’s economy relies on oil and gas, it is not an attractive customer for regional oil sellers. Russia’s military rhetoric seeks to hardware domination in the South Caucasus. Due to the structural constraints, all three countries in the region are pursuing an alignment in policy with Russia. Armenia relies militarily on Moscow due to its territorial enmity with the republic of Azerbaijan. Besides, Tbilisi’s policies in recent years have shown this country’s serious desire to join NATO. The Republic of Azerbaijan, with its nationalist policies, is a reliable partner for Turkey, Israel, and the United States. That is why Baku’s Western policy is more intense, but Russia has not given up on its energy presence. Russia’s military support for Armenia in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has complicated Russian-Azeri relations. Azerbaijan’s energy policy in recent years has shown that the presence of the European Union to invest in Azerbaijan’s energy sector has been a challenge to Russia’s policy in Baku. Georgia as an example of a complex hardware implementation of Russia’s foreign policy like Ukraine has experienced growing instability. Historical deterioration in Russia-Georgia relations, along with growing US efforts to narrow Russia’s geopolitical depth in the South Caucasus, has exacerbated Moscow’s challenge in Georgia. So the lack of gene-geopolitical structures in Russia has made it difficult for the country to operate in the South Caucasus.

Political legitimacy foundations are bases which any government or leader needs in local and international system. If any political transition goes on transition without legitimacy, that will be failed. Rationalization of accepting a government or leader’s sovereignty defined as legitimacy is the dominant concern of rulers and straightly related to the state’s power and the level of multitude’s freedom. Therefore, regime survival which directly linked by legitimacy is the main issue of post-soviet central Asia leaders. By Weber, the central Asia leaders’ legitimacy defined through charismatic and traditional legitimacy, while by soviet dissolution and entrance of central Asian states to the international system as new political independent units, they encounter the modern foundation of legitimacy, which undermined their current legitimacy. In this descriptive-analytical essay, we are trying to present a structural perspective on today’s central Asian legitimacy according to the modern foundations of legitimacy to use as an analytical template for subsequent political transition.