فهرست مطالب امید منصوری

A social problem is an issue that is widely seen as challenging within a society. This definition combines objective and subjective factors and varies across time and location. Marginalized and deprived neighborhoods are a major problem in modern cities, causing various types of social harm (Amiri et al., 2013). Kermanshah, a major Iranian city, faces this issue - it has 36 designated high-need areas, 13 of which are marginalized. Despite efforts to address these neighborhoods, the results have been unsatisfactory. The key question is: what prioritization framework should policies use to target social problems in these neighborhoods and how does it align with the actual prevalence of issues in the areas?

This study used a mixed-methods approach, incorporating both quantitative and qualitative components. For the quantitative portion, a survey was conducted. A multi-stage cluster sampling technique was used to select 800 households from 2 affluent neighborhoods and 13 deprived neighborhoods. The target population included all households in the selected areas (Statistics Center of Iran, 2015). The initial sample size, calculated using Cochran's formula, was 400 households. However, to ensure a minimum of 30 samples for smaller neighborhoods and a maximum of 100 for larger ones, the final sample size increased to 650 households in the deprived neighborhoods and 150 in the affluent ones. The validity of the survey questionnaire was confirmed through expert review. The qualitative component used a three-tier approach to establish the research validity and reliability.

The research findings indicated that the residents of deprived neighborhoods primarily viewed economic issues, such as poverty, unemployment, and deprivation, as the most pressing social problems. However, the specific priorities identified by the local stakeholders for addressing these issues did not always align with the actual prevalence of problems in the communities. A key insight was the disconnect between the severity of problems in a neighborhood and the prioritization for addressing them. While economic challenges were widely recognized as major social issues, the priorities identified by the local actors often focused on other concerns, such as security, accessibility, health, and education infrastructure. This suggested a duality between the prevalence of problems and prioritization of solutions. These findings indicated that policymaking around social problems in the deprived neighborhoods tended to prioritize common, easily-addressed issues, rather than the deeper, more systemic challenges facing these communities. This approach might aim to produce and reproduce certain individual and collective identities aligned with those of more affluent urban areas, rather than truly empowering the marginalized communities. The research findings revealed an interesting contrast. While economic problems were widely recognized as the most significant social issues across all the deprived neighborhoods, the specific priorities identified by local stakeholders varied. In some areas, priorities centered on security and accessibility, while in others, the focus was on health and education infrastructure. This suggested that the problems perceived as most pressing by community members were not necessarily the ones that were economically-driven. Moreover, the service institutions tasked with implementing neighborhood improvement programs, such as the police, welfare agencies, and religious centers, had struggled to effectively meet the communities' desired goals. These institutions, which were meant to serve as intermediaries in translating program principles to the target population, had fallen short in providing effective services aligned with the communities' needs and priorities. Notably, these findings came despite the government's reliance on these service institutions to drive neighborhood empowerment and improvement programs. The research indicated that the performance of these mediating organizations varied significantly across different localities. This suggested that the underlying rationale behind policymaking on social issues in these neighborhoods might be focused on addressing the most visible, common problems, rather than the deeper, systemic challenges. To this end, policymakers had often utilized available tools and techniques, such as increasing the duties and responsibilities of service providers. Additionally, this approach appeared to aim at producing and reproducing certain individual and collective identities that aligned with the standards of more affluent urban areas, rather than empowering the marginalized communities themselves.

This article aims at a different analysis of the tobacco movement. Assuming that this initial encounter between the Iranian people and the government, which was precipitated by the territorial expansion of global capitalism via concessions in a peripheral country, comprises characteristics that are unique to a subordinate experience. The theoretical perspectives of "Martin Breaugh" served as the inspiration for this article.It has been enhanced by a system perspective that emphasizes the linguistic-historical critique of the object and operates under the assumption that it lacks identity. Utilized methods consist of secondary and document analysis. An endeavor has been undertaken to measure the presence and absence of components of the plebian principle in the actions and moments of the aforementioned movement through linguistic criticism, reexamining historical documents, and even analyzing analyses.The main results of this research are: 1) Initiated by Shiite scholars and instigated by the discontent of merchants and businessmen, this movement rapidly evolved into a social movement that encompassed the urban impoverished, dashmashti, women, children, courtiers, and even the royal harem. 2) It should be noted that although street demonstrations and protests emerged as a result of the plebeian people's affection for squares (agoraphilia), the boycott proved to be the most effective and crucial method of challenging the king and foreigners. This article argues that the boycott represents the epitome of consumerism or the C-M moment. 3) The authors demonstrated that totalitarian regimes abstain from employing force not due to a lack of legitimacy, but rather when they lack the authority to "command"; 4) An unintended democratic desire emerged, which ultimately resulted in a yearning for recognition by "the people"; this desire ceased to progress until it reached its logical juncture, but served as the foundation for subsequent developments. This remains a present-day concern and has been the primary social demand of all contemporary social movements in Iran; 5) In contrast to an ahistorical and orientalist perspective, the tobacco movement serves as an expression of democratic opposition.

In this article, an attempt has been made to examine the social barriers to economic underdevelopment in Kermanshah province. In order to obtain the appropriate results, a conceptual model has been used, the basic concept of which is the experience of demographic transition. In this paper, the mechanism of underdevelopment in Kermanshah province has been analyzed with the systematic grounded theory of Strauss and Corbin. A paradigm model was obtained in relation to the subject, which consists of: causal conditions (inappropriate demographic transition, ethnic and kinship relations and networks, migration flows and economic socialization); Intervention conditions (land reform and war); Background conditions (speed of change, type of change and type of training); Strategies (intra-group trust, emigration, especially elite, degree orientation, consumerism (women and the new generation) and social nihilism). This system has led to consequences such as inability to produce and creativity, intensification of migration flows, reproduction of anti-development mentalities, lack of capital accumulation and its outflow, and so on. The most important conclusion that is inferred from this study is that inappropriate demographic transition is an unthinking reality in the underdeveloped process of Kermanshah province. In addition to this, there are mental barriers and deadlocks such as kinship relations and economic socialization, etc., which are inherent in these barriers. At the same time, anomalies such as war, migration, etc. also have a profound effect in this regard. Finally, this article shows how obsolete attitudes such as intra-group trust, degree orientation and anti-development mentalities have hindered the economic development of Kermanshah province.

The expansion of urbanization in Kermanshah and the issue of endowment as phenomena that can partially clarify the different experiences of Kermanshah in its development is an issue that has not been discussed so far. Endowment has had important characteristics and functions, the most important of which are: not being class-based, creating a sense of social solidarity and even in moments of history, being a mechanism to realize social justice and participating in the social security system, and poverty alleviation. The production of urban space in the city of Kermanshah is at least influenced by two historical factors, one of which is rooted in the religious political economy and the other in the modern capitalist political economy. This article is going to discuss the role the endowment institution has played in the production of modern urban spaces in Kermanshah. Besides, this article is going to know how the endowment mechanism that affects the production of the urban space of Kermanshah, is elaborated in different political orders. 

Theoretically, Lefebvre's theory of space production has been used, emphasizing the moment of spatial representations, as well as Gertsel's theory of political order. In terms of methodology, this research is affected by the dialectic of regressive-progressive: "The point of view adopted here may be described as regressive-progressive." This method places the facts of the present as the starting point. This means that referring to anything in the past is rooted in the issues of the present. Looking from the point of view of the present causes a search in the past. It is what determines at which moment in history the researcher should search for the origin. This attitude is also a kind of genealogy.

In the pre-constitutional political order, the endowment governance was in crisis only when the governments used the endowment revenues to gain territory. Otherwise, an agreement between the institution of religion and the patriarchal system was gradually made regarding its governance, and it was generally governed in a bureaucratic manner. Although it was not always the institution of religion or specifically the class of scholars and Ulama who only benefited from its income or its supervision, they were involved in the endowment institution in different ways (Shafaghi, 2016). This crisis entered a new stage with Reza Shah's modernization approach."Reza Shah’s official nationalism was largely based on the manipulation of this patriotism and a program of cultural assimilation and coercive linguistic unification" (Matin, 2013: 85). The nationalist order predominance in the political system of the Pahlaviera changed the governance of endowment. These developments became actual with modernization. Urbanization based on infrastructure construction for capital circulation, so that urban spaces should be produced in such a way that new consumer goods could be traded, was generally the central core of the nationalist order of this era. Nationalistic assimilation and identification were in line with the same standardization that capitalism needed for its globalization. Kermanshah was also not immune from these developments. The end of this order had unintended consequences that were inseparable from the evolution of the endowment governance in this city. Reza Shah did this to enrich the royal family and consequently the power of his central government. He declared that many estates and lands in the most fertile areas of the country belong to the state or are monarchical.

In the pre-modern political order, which in a sense can also be called a religious order, the endowment system was such that it could perform a complex function in the long-term division of labor and in which this institution could continue its life under the legitimacy of religion. In that order, the endowment was a public institution that was able to shape the economic metabolism and by that, the economic matter was embedded in the social life. The city of Kermanshah and its spatial development in the Nasrid era clearly shows the decisive influence of endowment. It shows how the community character of the endowment has organized power and wealth relations in the community and, by extension, the city as a whole. The most important result of the endowment functions in this era was the relative generalization of wealth. In the nationalist order of the era of Reza Shah and Mohammad Reza Shah, endowment became an organization under the modern state bureaucracy, and the process of de-personalization of endowment, which is the other side of the coin of community decentralization, began. At the same time, the income from the properties and endowments should mainly be spent on the things that the government recognizes. After the 1979 revolution, efforts have been made to revive the regulatory role of religion, but it has not led to the possibility of returning to the pre-modern religious order. Therefore, the charitable function of endowment becomes more prominent in the new order. This is the result of the relationship between the changes in the endowment organization and the new political order. This new order, which took control after the 8-year war, was the neoliberal order. The three basic principles of the neoliberal order are deregulation, structural adjustment, and privatization, according to which the public expenses of the government should be reduced. In addition to this cost reduction, which takes place under structural adjustment, public expenses should be outsourced in the form of charity affairs. This is where the prominence of charity affairs in the endowment organization becomes important and prominent. In addition, during this period, the endowment organization sought to stabilize its position by judicially dealing with the status of endowment properties, which were undecided half a century ago and their fate has changed.

The main issue of this paper is the relation between State and Capital in 1960s decade in Tehran through the “Tehran”. To analyze this issue, we used the theory of “production of space” and liberal Governance technique. According to the main question of the paper, among three aspects of production of space, representation of space is emphasized.

We have used regressive–progressive method of Lefebvre, and the technical method is document review. The comprehensive plan for Tehran was written in 1969.

This paper is to study the space and time of development that is hidden in the comprehensive plan to demonstrate the relationship between State and capital. As

Space and time of project crystallized capital space and space. Its implications was definition of happiness based on future that constitute its principles the accumulation of capital, population, and duality of leisure and labor. Its strategies is proficiency, sufficiency, and ultimately, also it’s linear designation of bases, consumption- led and imitation of project from mode- orientation of grand cities was as mediation of capital territoriality. Historical condition of relationship between state and capital in Iran meditating the legitimation crisis of Pahlavi government, for failure of development programs and ‘Tarhe Jame’ that it’s consequences was appeared at 1357 (1979) revolution. State has bounden necessarily to constituting of capital market and support of bureaucratic bourgeoisie in Iran. So can says of Liberality’s Government Art in authoritarian government and capital space and time in which would provoke to legitimation crisis every crisis in relationship between state and capital.

The legitimacy crisis of Pahlavi regime got deeper by determination of the development plan and its failure. This defeat is lead up to disorder in capital cycling and created crisis. The crisis added to all gaps between people and state, and then resulted in 1979 waves of dissatisfactions. However, in a country like Iran where the government supported the expansion of capital, any failure would immediately undermine the legitimacy of the government. This is because in Iran, an authoritarian government was formed first, and it was necessary to expose it to the vast territory of capital which was also accompanied by colonialism. This authoritarian and nationalist government, which began after the constitution and specifically under the rule of Reza Shah, had to provide the conditions for the expansion of capital. Reza Shah provided the infrastructure, but the Iranian bourgeoisie was supported during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah; hence, in Iran, in the 1960s, a kind of bureaucratic bourgeoisie was formed, which depended on the support of the government and basically pledged its legitimacy to maintain it. At the same time, the government itself was responsible for the production of capital spaces and saw the longing of a millennial civilization in the construction of the ideal capital of the future.

In this article, the process of domination of market system in society through Higher Education is invesgated. Higher Education has been considered as the main institution in training of strategist human that measurs most of his/ her actions based on cost- benefit. This article studies the issue since 1368 (1988) in Iranian Higher Education system. The study uses K. Polaney’s idea on market system as well Lefebvre’s theory on “representation of space” and the concept of “intreprenuership- man”. The methodology was dialectical- historical method of regressive- progressive. The technic for data gathering was “documentary review”. The main results of the study were: “scientific- moral justification” to marketing process in curriculum, “competitive”, participation”, “commercialization”, “monetarization”, “privatization” and at least, convert of knowledge as “good thing” to “commodity”. In this space, a kind of personality is trained that has interpreneureship desire. The result of actions of the personality makes the socially oriented ethic impossible, increase formal certificatism, makes closer university’s realm to industry. Eventually, these actions make knowledge instrumental due to “intrepreneureship myth”.

Abstract The aim of this study was to investigate the rights of the elderly to the city. The theoretical approach of the present study is based on Henri Lefebvre's theory of the "production of space" and "the right to the city" and the method of study is ethnographic. The technique of data collection used is observation and interview. Accordingly, 20 interviews were conducted through theoretical sampling. The results of the research show that sidewalks and streets are problematic for use, access, and availability for elderly people due to the high structure of concrete tables, inequality and disproportionate furniture; green spaces, cafes, alleys, and pathways are among the spatial sites of the neighborhoods that are determenants of facilitating the movement, settlement, and accommodation of the elderly but various defects deprive the elderly of memorizing, protecting and using the city. Social welfare and social organizations of the elderly have an unfavorable position for the elderly, and welfare services have been limited to medical and psychotherapy. The home for the elderly has become a supportive space against external hazards; it is more like a sanatorium than a place for the elderly to play a great deal of interaction. Finally, many psychological and existential injuries such as anxiety, depression, loneliness, and isolation, are not individualistic but are rooted in neglecting the right of the elderly to the city. Keywords: Spatial Deeds, Production of Space, the Right to the City, Elderly Citizens, Kermanshah