فهرست مطالب بهرام عین الهی معصوم

The majority of the current concepts in the field of World Politics have been constructed in the West context and mainly have been universal for modernists. In this field, there is a lack of concepts that have been extracted from the theoretical and non-theoretical (historic or political conduct) Iranian tradition. One of the reasons for the lack of efforts in political conceptualizing is the shortage of requisite ideational and theoretical foundations in the field of vernacular political thought. Therefore, one of the requisite tools for political conceptualizing and theorizing is extracting some foundations from the subject of study.Among ideational traditions in Iran, mysticism is one of the pure traditions, and accordingly extracted conceptions from this tradition can be pure and different, too. This purity can lead vernacular political concepts to be different from the current concepts in the West scientific tradition. In the Iranian mystical tradition, “Masnavi Manavi” has some metaphysical foundations that can be the basis of political conceptualizations. Among them, the main metaphysical foundations in the ideational system of Molavi is a kind of holistic and allegorical approach that will be explained and applied in this research. Therefore, in this research, we try to explain the concepts of Maniat and Eshkastegi based on the holistic and allegorical approach of Molavi.There are some articles in Persian about allegory and mysticism in Molavi’s works. In this field, ‘Yousef Poor and Mohammadi have addressed the role of allegories of “water” and “light” in explaining the enigma of the existence of god, as a unit essence, in Masnavi Manavi (Yousef Poor and Mohammadi, 1390: 211-235). Qaemi has explained the link between philosophical allegoricalism and allegorical literature in the narrative structure of Masnavi Manavi (Qaemi, 1389: 48-66). In the West scientific tradition, Molavi has been named ‘Sufi’ or ‘Rumi’. There are some works in English about Molavi's thoughts and life. In this field, Milani has described what is called Sufism in modern politics, in his book (Milani, 2018). Also, Elmehrab has studied Sufism in classical politics (Elmehrab, 2022).There are more researches like the mentioned works above, but what makes it different and novel the current research is trying to think about politics from Molavi’s perspective. Despite the prolific general literature on Molavi in Iran and beyond the borders of Iran, there is a lack of literature about political concepts from Molavi’s perspective. Due to this vacuity, the current research is trying to extract and explain the political concepts from Msnavi Manavi. Therefore, the current research has been arranged into two main parts: the first part is dedicated to extracting and constructing the political conceptualization foundations from Masnavi Manavi, and based on that, the second part, has been explained the extracted concepts of Maniat and Eshkastegi.Epistemology and methodologyMetaphysically, Molavi has a holistic ontology and allegorical epistemology in Masnavi Manavi. Ideationally, in addition to the epistemological aspect, allegory is a kind of method for Molavi and Masnavi Manavi has been constructed and written based on that. By this method, Molavi refers to similar aspects of Moshabah-on-beh and Moshabah and then infers a similar outcome for the topic.Has been applied Molavi’s method in this research explains World Politics. Accordingly, Molavi’s approach to the relation between whole and part is considered as Moshabah-on-beh, and interaction between political units and world political order is considered as Moshabah of the allegory.As an allegory, as Maniat in the action of the jackal, peacock, and shah can threaten their existence, Maniat in the foreign interaction of political unities in the world political order can jeopardize their existence. Discussion and findingsDespite Molavi's criticism of politics, it is possible to extract some foundations for researching and conceptualization in politics, by considering and applying the holistic and allegorical approach of Molavi on the metaphysical world order.By applying the allegorical approach of Molavi, we can spread Molavi’s perspective to World Politics, and based on that research and conceptualization in the political science field would be possible. By applying the mentioned approach in current research, it has been realized and explained the concepts of Maniat and Eshkastegi, as the extracted concepts from Masnavi Manavi, in the political science field.From Molavi’s perspective, Maniat in the action and foreign behavior of political units in World Politics, as a whole, eventuate to limitation of liberty of political actors and abolishing them by the other actors. In more detail, not only disproportional Maniat, based on the Jackal allegory, but also proportional Maniat, based on the peacock allegory, can result in limiting and abolishing the actors.On the other side, Eshkastegi in the behavior and interaction of political actors in World Politics eventuate to the relative desired result that is different in two kinds of this action. Devotional Eshkastegi, by considering the Nakhchiran[5] allegory, can ensure the survival of actors, but it can result in the isolation of actors in the world political system. Weighted Eshkastgi, based on the Fox allegory, can preserve actors from isolation in the world political system, in addition to ensuring their survival. From Molavi’s perspective, in the foreign interaction of political units in the world political system, Maniat is an undesirable action, and Eshkastegi is a desirable action. In conclusion, according to desirability, as a criterion, the action of political units can range along a spectrum that weighted Eshkastegi is at one end, and disproportional Maniat is at the other end of the spectrum.ConclusionApplying Molavi’s perspective in the foreign policy of the actors can be criticized because Eshkastegi in the foreign relations of actors can extend conservatism in the world political system and consolidate the status quo of the international structure. From this perspective, going to extremes in foreign policy, in form of disproportional Maniat and devotional Eshkastegi, cannot eventuate the desirable results for political actors in the world political system. Disproportional Maniat jeopardizes the existence of political actors, and devotional Eshkastegi can be miscalculated by other actors as appeasement policy and embolden them to encroach on the actors that have applied Eshkastegi in their foreign policy.In the middle of the spectrum, weighted Eshkastegi is a reasonable policy, but proportional Maniat can be a reasonable policy too because can eventuate the ascension of political actors in the world cycle of power. Therefore, from a moderate perspective, both weighted Eshkastegi and proportional Maniat, according to time and place, are appropriate policies that can be applied by political actors in their foreign interaction. Finally, as the research agenda, the foreign policy of the different states can be the issue of the case study or comparative study, in the framework of the mentioned quadruple policies.

In the States only conception states have absolute legal personality and this matter is valid during the stability of traditional International Law in which the legal personality of non-state actors is secondary and derivative at best. Nevertheless, by transition in the Westphalian order and appearing or becoming self-conscious the non-state actors, the problem of contradiction of their existence and legal subjectivity was appeared and if not unsolved, it has been defined depend on the legal personality of states. Among them, the matter of legal personality of armed non-state groups, may because their mostly anti-state nature, is more discussable than the other actors. The legal personality of these groups is considerable under International Humanitarian Law, more than the other legal fields. However, there are some written literatures in this field, the strength of the current research is being inter-disciplinary and induct the legal personality of armed groups under IHL, by starting from the International Relations’ entrance. The current research focuses on the Shiite and Al-Qaeda affiliated armed groups in Iraq and Syria. In this regards, empirical and interpretative method will imply to explain interpret the legal personality of armed non-state groups. It is expectable that the out-put of this method, in synergy with the inter-disciplinary approach, will be innovation and originality of the achievement on the legal personality of armed non-state groups under IHL

In the social sciences, in general, and in the field of international relations, in particular, much attention was paid to theory, but the process of constructing or developing this theory, namely the theory, has been neglected by scientists in this field. There is a controversy about the theory and the beginning of it between social scientists, while viewers think of the beginning of science and theory as the theory, the empiricists view the theory as observable. Empirical theory is a process that begins with observation and ends with theory, and in this process there are various stages that generally involve two stages of the ground of exploration and the field of arbitration. The empirical theory seeks to explain the relationship between the elements of reality studied and the explanation of why the law acts or the laws of reality. Also, the theory has predictive power that can be used by analogy. The empirical theory seeks to explain the relationship between the elements of reality studied and the explanation of why the law acts or the laws of reality. Also, the theory has predictive power that can be used by analogy. Finally, explanation and prediction can be further extended and, based on existing theory, into scenario planning and appropriate strategies. In this regard, the purpose of the present research is to describe and explain the science of the development of the theory, and consequently, from observation to prescribing, using the descriptive and analytical method.

Randall Schweller is a leading neoclassical realist who has paved the way for the revival of realism through criticizing the structuralist approach of neo-realism. Waltz, Walt, and Mearsheimer have been the major targets of his attacks. This article argues that his main added value to realism is to find a way to respond to internal divisions among realists and weak historical support for many of neo-realist propositions. Within this framework he enters into internal debates among realists about status quo versus revisionist states; explains non-formation of balancing behavior and balance of power in the course of history; pays attention to change in international system ignored by many realists; and rejects the objections against realists for not accounting for international institutions. By including domestic factors in his analysis, his work accounts for the emergence of revisionist states, dynamics of international system, and the significance (or insignificance) of international institutions within a theory of states’ interest and the resulting balance of interests in the international system. This theory can clarify the historical conditions in which realists’ claims can prove to be true. In order to give an account of Schweller’s theoretical endeavors to modify and revive realism, this article analyses his major works and shows that although he could account for inconsistences within realism, his own work with its own problems can add to internal divisions within realist camp.

The classical deterrence theory is not limited to developing an explanation of stability in the relations maintained by the superpowers that have strategic coordination globally. However, this theory is not capable of explaining how deterrence functions in complicated and riot-stricken regions. In other words, in cold war era, the deterrence system merely acted in the relations between superpowers through nuclear deterrence, which subsequently resulted in the transferring of conflicts to regions further down, including the West Asia region. However, in the wake of the cold war era, the world is witnessing the performance of the deterrence system in the West-Asia region as a complicated and riot-ridden regional order, that can explained through the complex deterrence theory. Complex deterrence system includes various actors and subsystems, an important one of which is the actors that play their role in the anti-systemic groups that have a determining role in the deterrence subsystems in the West Asia region. This aspect has been ignored in regional studies and international relations. Now, the present question in this research is that what is the function and role played by the anti-systemic groups in the deterrence system in West Asia's regional order. The hypothesis in this research is that "anti-systemic groups cause the deterrence system in West Asia region to function in disparate and asymmetric circumstances". Therefore, the present research is aimed at providing a theoretical model on the role that anti-systemic groups play in the complex deterrence system in order to help enrich the theoretical literature of the international relations field. This research has been organized and conducted by using causal functional-structural method.

Regional networks, based on their characteristics, provide different conditions for formation and growth of anti-systemic groups. Regional orders, based on sustainability, robustness, security, stability and dynamic, are differentiated; therefore they will be confronted with different security dilemmas. Today, Islamic World, as a regional network, is confronted with multitudinous of such groups. Therefore the causes of formation and growth of these groups within regional order, of Islamic World, is the axis of this article. Anti-systemic groups are multidimensional and as a social, political and cultural phenomenon. On this base authors argue that world of Islam has a central position in global order and because of this intrusive power is very sensitive to control of it’s order and this power by use of incoherent structure of this network has formed anti-systemic groups as strategic instruments of control system of regional order. Meanwhile resistant groups have been formed at regional-social level against regional policies of intrusive power. , there are numerous types of these groups such as instrumental and resistant or defensive-offensive that play in Islamic regional network. Some of these groups play an instrumental role of regional intrusive powers, and some of them are resistance groups. Some of these groups help to fulfill the control functions of intrusive power. In this Article by using the case study method with priority of theory, investigate the hypothesis.in this respect first step theoretical model will be designed and then the regional network of Islam as a case will survey.