سجاد بهرامی مقدم

This article deals with the continuation of Iran's economic underdevelopment from the perspective of institutionalism. Over the centuries, Iran has experienced various political systems, but despite the decline and emergence of successive political systems, it still suffers from economic underdevelopment. Therefore, in this article, the main question of the research is proposed as follows: What are the fundamental factors that have caused the continuation of Iran's unfavorable performance in the economic field? In response, this hypothesis has been proposed that the limited access order and the lack of transition to the open access order is the fundamental factor explaining the continuation of Iran's unfavorable economic performance. The research method in this article is the historical method and the method of data collection is library. The findings of the article show that the order of limited access has affected Iran's incentive system over the centuries in a way that, rather than encouraging creativity, innovation and work, it has encouraged rent-seeking and the growth of individuals at the expense of the whole. This explains the lack of synergism of the achievements with the overall interests and as a result the continuation of Iran's unfavorable economic performance. In other words, throughout history, the dominant political groups have had the opportunity to change the motivational structure of the whole in the direction of general prosperity or organize it for their own interests at the expense of the whole, and the first model has not been adopted.

This article is a theoretical article that analyzes the dominant strategies of economic development for developing countries. The purpose of this article is to criticize two strategies of import substitution and structural adjustment from the perspective of new structuralism, new structuralism arising from successful experiences in the field. Pacific and China, Vietnam and India from 1978, 1986 and 1991 respectively. In the same way, the new structuralism is also influenced by the economic failures. Therefore, this article also answers questions such as why China's transition to a market economy was successful, but the Soviet transition to a market failed. The findings of this article show that according to the new structuralism, poor countries have hidden capabilities and advantages that, if they are realized, these governments are able to achieve rapid growth rates and close the backwardness gap. In this article, this The advantages and how to actualize them have been analyzed, the research method in this article is explanatory.

Saudi Arabia is trying to achieve leadership in the Islamic world and the position of a major regional power. This country is a traditional political regime in favor of Hanafi-Salafi Islam, a supporter of traditional regimes and fundamentalist Salafi movements in the Middle East region. The spread of Saudi Arabia's role as a supporter of Sunni fundamentalist can also be seen in regions such as Central Asia. The above issue is effective on the security complex of Central Asia and the security of this countries. Russia, China and especially Iran are also facing the transformation in the system of these collections and they are reacting to it. The purpose of this article is to investigate this issue. The question of this article states that: What effects have Saudi Arabia's actions in strengthening Salafist fundamentalism in Central Asia had on the framework of the security complex of Central Asian countries? The hypothesis of the article states that due to Saudi Arabia's use of the religious identity factor to influence the Central Asian region, by supporting movements such as Hizb ut-Tahrir and Islamic Renaissance, it has caused the spread of the idea of caliphate among the Sunni Hanafi majority in Central Asia. Securitization and the dual emergence of growth or weakening of security regionalism is the result of Saudi Arabia's security measures in Central Asia. In this context, with the intensification of the threat component, the possibility of security regionalism has, and the competition between political units in Central Asia has increased.

Japan's defense policy has been revised over the past decade. This article has explained the review of Japan's defense policy with the analytical approach of two types of trading and military political states. The main question of this article is what factors caused the review of Japan's defense policy during the last decade? In response to this hypothesis has been proposed that during the last decade, the significant growth of the triple challenges of North Korea, China, and Russia, as stets that belonging to the political-military world, has caused the review of Japan's defense policy. The research method in this article is an explanatory method and the findings show that Japan belongs to the type of commercial states, and the review of the defense policy of this trading state is not a return to the expansionist policies of imperialist Japan, but a re-balancing of military capabilities and capacities to defend the world of trading states. In the meantime, although China has longed for a trading state, since 1978, it has not completely given up on the military-political world. The units of the world are categorized into trading and military states, the future will make it clear whether the pressures of the power politics of the military states will force the trading to militarize, or the costs of fighting against the trading world will make political-military states more inclined to be trading type.

Since the 18th century, the western world has gone through political and economic alterations. Gold has been of economic importance over thousands of years in several civilisations. It gained international economic significance during the 19th century, when several countries officially adopted the Gold Standard. With the world becoming more intertwined, gold has found new importance for economies and investors alike. It has been a safe haven during a time of economic crisis which has been reflected on its price. This paper examines the development of gold in a changing global, political and economic environment. For investors it has become a safe haven during the crisis, but how reliable is gold? How far can investors predict gold’s worth in times of crisis and what kind of crises drives gold? The interplay of global players, governments, their policies, currency strategies and large private investors have complicated the predictability of the gold price. Hence, the present study is aimed to analyze the reliability of gold when countries are headed into crises as well as economic and political impacts on the gold price, using content and data analysis method based on library resources.

The concept of security in the Third World differs somewhat from the concept of security in the Western world due to its specific features. In the West, more security is defined in the external dimension; That is, it is related to the external environment and actors, while security in the third world often has an internal dimension, and the few things defined in the external dimension are more influenced by internal security issues. With the aim of examining the concept of security from the perspective of the Islamic Republic of Iran, this study seeks to answer the main question of what was the most important security approach of Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution? The temporary response provided is that the concept of security from Iran's point of view, after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, was based on the security of the government of the Islamic Republic or extensive security, and its most important security approach was self-reliance and avoidance of alliances with other actors. The findings of the study, using the theory of defensive realism, show that the Islamic Republic's self-reliance approach and lack of alliance and alliance with other actors, on the one hand, has strengthened the country's deterrence capability and on the other hand misunderstood regional governments. And it has become one of its goals and objectives. The research method in this research is analytical descriptive and the method of data and data collection is library.

Since the launch of the BRI in 2013, 136 countries and 30 international organizations have signed BRI cooperation documents, received US$90 billion in Chinese Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and exchanged US$6 trillion in trade with China. President Xi Jinping has described the BRI as the ‘Project of the Century’, yet the motivations, aims and scope of the BRI have been continuously debated and the Chinese Government has struggled to put forward a clear narrative for the initiative The Silk Road Economic Belt, first announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping during his September 2013 trip to Kazakhstan, envisions a network of roads and railways, together with a parallel network of pipelines, fiber-optic cables, and telecommunication links, connecting China to Europe via Central Asia, Iran, Turkey, the Balkans, and the Caucasus across the 11,000-kilometer-long Eurasian continent. While the “belt” links Eurasia to China by land, the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road will comprise a string of ports connecting China with Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Europe through the South China Sea, the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean Sea. China’s motivations for this extraordinarily ambitious project are numerous. This article tray to describe the nuts and bolts of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the evolution of the concept in Chinese strategic thinking, Examine the internal and external drivers motivating China’s push for the Belt and Road Initiative from an economic, political and strategic standpoint.

Following the Industrial Revolution in England, and the growth of modern industrialized countries, China became a backward country on the margins of modern civilization. China is now in the midst of transitioning to the industrialized nations. this article analyzes the realities of this great transition from the perspective of Gerschenkron backwardness advantage theory, the essence of the advantage of backwardness is that developing countries have a vast space and strong driving force to learn the technology, systems and successful experience from the developed countries when they carry out their own industrialization and modernization. instead, they have a great advantage in backwardness that encourages them to learn from the developed areas and have the potential to catch up with them. since 1978, China has been focusing on technology transfer in order to make this potential advantage to real economic advantage and get great-leap-forward industrialization, and catching up with the United States as the most advanced industrial economy. so still relatively backward comparing with the United States, despite the rapid development in recent years but these do not show that it will not achieve great progress. The findings show that China has narrowed the technology gap with leading countries, and it is close to the frontier of innovation, so unlike in the past It cannot grow rapidly by adopting and embracing cheap technology from the United States, rather, it must bear the heavy costs of R&D in innovation, So China's economic growth will not be as rapid as it has been in the past four decades.

This article examines the impact of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the spread of Islamism in the Arab world and examines the challenges facing the spread of political Islam inspired by the Islamic Revolution in the Arab world, the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and its establishment. The Islamic Republic, as a system of Islamic values, has influenced the political and social developments of the Arab countries, reviving the great force of Islam for social reconstruction and drawing the political geometry of Arab societies according to anti-Islamic values. However, the spread of political Islam inspired by the Islamic Revolution of Iran has faced challenges in the Arab world. These challenges have been explored in this article at the internal level of the Arab states and are divided into three geopolitical challenges: extremist affiliated currents and secularism. is divided. Under the influence of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the Arab world, beyond the shadow of Islamic extremism, there is a revolution and a wide ideological social transformation that redefines the text and value of political and social values of Arab societies within the framework of democratic governments and structures. And it has inevitably redefined and shaped the transcendent rule in the context of Islamic values in these societies, although this faces the challenges of extremism and the agendas of conservative Arab political systems.

This article examines the process of transferring Singapore to the developed industrial world. this process realizedby the adaptation and transfer of technology and capital from developed industrial countries,the manufacturing sector was a backbone of Singapore's economic growth, Singapore 's pathway into modern economic growth can be meaningfully characterized as a trajectory of ‘labor-intensive industrialization, to a very open, high-wage producer of high-technology, capital-intensive products in several steps. after the independencethe country had undergone a rapid industrial advance based on low-cost labor, low- to middle-level technology, and a rapid increase in exports, during this period foreign investments were sought in mainly labor-intensive activities. by the early 1970s, the unemployment problem that had plagued Singapore since independence was largely solved, and policies attempted to restructure the industrial base toward more capital- and skill-intensive activities. This phase, Industrial Restructuring, lasted to 1980s. by 1985, with much of the opportunity for technology catch-up in manufacturing having been exhausted, policies were directed toward diversification of the industrial base, ffollowing this trend since the 1990s, Singapore has closed the technology gap with developed countries and become a creative economy among industrialized nations.

with the revelation of the Prophet Islam, as a law based on revelation, has become the source of identity, rules and norms of social, political and economic life of Muslims. Perpouse: in the political dimension of the Islamic Caliphate, it has been a common form of Muslim political organization for decades. With the development of the Westphalian system of the West in the sixteenth century, the modern state became the only form of identity of political organization, and other political systems either underwent major changes or disappeared altogether. The governments of the Islamic lands, which themselves had a rich Islamic civilization in their societies, faced deep challenges. Therefore, the main question that has been raised is that what challenges has the expansion of the modern national government arising from the Westphalian system posed to the escape of Islamic civilization, especially in Arab societies? The provisional hypothesis is that the failure of secularist and nationalist ideas based on the Western Westphalian system in the Arab world has gradually led to an identity challenge in the Arab Islamic world.

show that these identity or institutional challenges based on the views of constructivists such as Went and Owen, lead to redefining the identity of authoritarian and conservative Arab states based on genuine Islamic culture and civilization and their interactions with Islamic and Western societies. Has been. Research

In this research, descriptive-analytical method and data collection method is based on library method.

The purpose of this article is to explain the emergence of crony capitalism in the Arab Republic of Egypt, and it answers the question of what has led to the formation of Crony capitalism in the Arab Republic of Egypt? In response, the hypothesis investigated is that the Arab Republic of Egypt's captured governance by the rent-seeking elites and coalition has led to the emergence of crony capitalism in this republic. The dominant political elites and coalitions analyzed by an explanatory method and the theoretical perspective of political economy, findings show that the political elites not only fail to encourage development but also go even as far as blocking the necessary introductions of economic growth, such as the fair, favorable environment for economic growth that is the most powerful instrument for reducing poverty and improving the quality of life, so that is the fundamental cause of economic backwardness, in the country.

Given the significant influence of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China, their strategic beliefs and theories and perceptions of the objective international environment have had a profound impact on different aspects of Chinese political life and behavior. This article focuses on the economic implications and implications of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping's international objective environment and explores the hypothesis that our conceptions are explored through the perspective of the theoretical, conceptual, and empirical approach to Robert Jervis's international politics. Dong and Deng Xiaoping during their leadership in the People's Republic of China have had a decisive influence on the economic policies of the People's Republic of China, with Mao Zedong's conceptions of Communist economic policies and Deng Xiaoping's perceptions leading to reopening policy and economic reforms. That has had different economic implications for China. The findings of the article show that Deng Xiaoping's perceptions of the international objective environment are a determining factor in China's focus on improving living standards for citizens and the economic and military emergence of the People's Republic of China, which has significantly reduced poverty, increased wealth, strength and strengthened China's national security.

The spread of the norm of national sovereignty from Western Europe and its consequences has led to the formation of modern national governments and the emergence of a regional system in Southwest Asia. The formation and development of the norm of national sovereignty in Western Europe has been one of the forces that has played a role in the formation of modern national governments as a kind of organization of human political life. In such a way that the subjects of different national sovereignty were defined as citizens and outside it as foreigners, and the responsibility of separate national sovereignty was limited to the subjects. The expansion of the norm of national sovereignty on a global scale led to the redefinition of premodern political organizations in the form of nation-states, according to which the Ottoman Caliphate as a premodern formation disintegrated into modern national governments, resulting in a regional international system in the south. West Asia evolved in which the pattern of behavior is based on the self-help of independent ruling governments,

The world has witnessed Singapore's transition from a third world country to a developed industrialized nation within three decades. This article focuses on explaining this transition, the findings of this article illustrate the role of elites and the dominant political coalition in the emergence of the developmentist state in Singapore, the dominant elites and coalitions have had enough Developmentalist mental content and preferences and development goals. The mental content that has made political elites more inclined towards development goals than any other. Singapore is a prime example where an interventionist state has directed an industrialization policy and strategy through various institutions to create conducive environment with supporting hard and soft infrastructure. Despite the dominant role of its state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in industrial restructuring, the role of industrial policy in Singapore has been obscured because there is an equally heavy reliance on direct foreign investment (DFI)by multinational corporations (MNCs) for capital, expertise, technology and markets. The state creates the environment through incentives and market-supporting facilities, leaving the MNCs and DFI to invest. Fora highly export-oriented (EO), internationally competitive, small, open economy, Singapore has neither the resources nor the market base for a more ambitious industrial policy.

This paper, in an explanatory method and from the perspective of the balance-of-interest theory, shows that US-Saudi relations are based on the complex pattern of cooperation while conflicts of interest in different geopolitical contexts, and conflict of interest impedes the promotion of cooperation between the two governments to a strategic alliance and at the same time benefits The common cause has been the collapse of relations between the two governments, so issues such as arms agreements or different positions of the two governments in the Middle East crisis do not lead to a fundamental change in their relations. The findings also show that the formation and continuity of the two governments' ties has security implications, and the kingdom of Saudi Arabia has taken advantage of American power to counter its regional rivals, and the fears of Iran, especially over the last decade, have been a powerful impetus to policies Saudi Arabia's Middle East has been feared that its severity is rooted in Saudi Arabian supremacy and vulnerabilities towards Iran, in which the kingdom of Saudi Arabia has found Iran's defensive influence in the Middle East with aggressive intent with its predecessors. Accordingly, the author pointed out at the end of the necessity of a regional dialogue forum in the Persian Gulf region with a view to reducing the submissions of the behavior and intentions of the neighbors

The outbreak of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and the establishment of the Islamic Republic as a system derived from Islamic religious values, have had an increasing impact on the process of Islamism and Islamic awakening in the Islamic world, especially in Arab countries. However, this islamic re-resurrection in these societies has also faced challenging and restraining forces. Therefore, the main question raised in this study is, what effect has the Islamic Revolution of Iran had on the Islamic world, especially on the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf region? The temporary response is that the revival and growth of the Islamic awakening has been the most important impact of the Islamic Revolution in the Muslim world, especially in the Arab countries, and the most challenging force against it has been the growth of extremist thought. The findings indicate that in parallel with the expansion of the Islamic awakening process in these countries and the deep intrusion of the values of the Islamic Revolution in these societies, key decision makers in these societies have been forced to change their style of governance and establish a political order based on original Islamic values. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical method and data collection method is based on library method.

This paper studies the competition between China and the United States in the eastern and southern flanks of the China Sea and concentrates on the question of what factors have exacerbated tensions between China and the United States in the eastern and southern seas. In response I hypothesize that the rise in china’s sea power has challenged the United States marine preponderance which has resulted in the increase in the two countries tensions. The thesis is tested using Gilpin’s neorealist theory of hegemonic stability. The author discusses that the rise in china’s economic growth has increased this country’s marine power, challenging the United States sea superiority around the sea of china. The author also discusses that since the economic growth is a result of innovation in technology, the rise in power of the marginal states in the periphery of the international system is tied to their replication of industrial know-hows in the developed countries. This explains why china’s success in replication has translated to the rise in its wealth and power.

In the 19th century, after a long period of isolationism, China came under pressure from the West to open to foreign trade and relations in the 1800s China simultaneously experiences major internal strains and Western imperialist pressure that backed by military might which China cannot match,as a consequence China’s position in the world and self-image is reversed from leading civilization to subjected and torn country. This paper focuses on China's approaches and policies in the face of modern Western States. This dramatic confrontation dates back to the late eighteenth century with the increasing expansion of Western merchants around the Chinese sea, the first is the supreme isolation and refusal policy, which was adopted with regard to the calculation of the cultural, economic and security costs of expanding relations with the West. With the failure of this policy and the arrival of the Westerners by force, the approach to adaptation of the modern techniques and tools of war was raised, Then, ‎ beyond the technology of war, ‎ the learning approach emerged: Westernization according to the Confucian tradition. Which led to the overthrow of the empire and the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, This approach, led by Chian Kai-shek, turned into a full Westernization based on the learning of developed democracies, eventually launched in Taiwan and similar in Hong Kong and Macao, at the same time, in the mainland of China under the leadership of Mao, a Marxist approach adapted from the Soviet Union was on the agenda which was ultimately reviewed by Deng Xiaoping, and has been replaced by a pragmatic approach to adopting policies that have yielded successful results in Hong Kong, Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Taiwan, as a result, China has become an emerging power and is returning to status that has been lost since the beginning of the Century of Humiliation.

Over the past two decades, India's foreign policy has changed, since independence in 1947 until 1991, the bipolar international system, consensus of Nehroism, geopolitics subcontinent and the legacy of colonialism, as a set of factors that shape the foreign policy of India , In general, India's foreign policy after the Cold War has changed, the problem that this article is in search of its what causes changed India's foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council states and that India's foreign policy. since the end of the Cold War India's policy towards developments in the Persian Gulf region has been governed more by economic and energy considerations and by the geopolitical rivalry with Pakistan factor. But compared with the past, this period has also witnessed the marginalization of the Pakistani factor in India's policy towards the region and a greater emphasis on economic partnership. This article does not produce a comprehensive account of the transformation of Indian foreign policy, but also in search of search of the key factors that explain the transformation of the India’s foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council states . The explanationery method and theory of balance of interests have been used to investigate the hypothesis of this article.

Since independence in 1947 until 1980s, India had taken a third worldism foreign policy towards the Southeast Asia which determine by key components of third world solidarity, non-alignment, and economic self-sufficiency.in this region, since the late 1980s, India’s foreign policy objective has changed from third worldism to economic pragmatism. This article attempts to explain the change in the foreign policy of India in the Southeast Asia address the following question. The question is based on how the changes in India’s foreign policy toward the Southeast Asia from third worldism to economic pragmatism has happened and what are the key factors behind that. In response to this question, this hypothesis is designed that the collapse of Nehroaism and rise of others perspectives, structural changes in the international system from bipolarity into unipolarity and China’s growing regional economic influence, has transformed India’s foreign policy from third worldism to economic pragmatism. The explanationery method and theory of balance of interests have been used to investigate the hypothesis of this article.

From 1947 until end of 1980s، India had taken a third world orientation in its foreign policy; however، it has consequently inclined towards economic pragmatism. Therefore، the question is that what reasons have led India towards this change. In response، the author raises the hypothesis that: demise of ethical orientation; growth of nationalistic views، realism and liberalism in the country، structural changes of the international system and replacement of bi-polar system with a uni-polar one and finally the Chinese military and economic rapid growth have cause the said change in the Indian foreign policy. This paper illustrates the reasons and uses the theory of balance of interests.

Consequences of recent political instability، the Arab Revolutions، from mid-2011، in the Middle East، have affected on regional equations and influenced strategies of the actors involved in the equation of the Middle East region. Syria Crisis is a concrete example of contrasting different strategies of regional and trans-regional competing actors involved in the region; at the regional level، strategic competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia، regarding this crisis، is vital. In this regard، the research focuses on explaining conflicting strategies of Iran and Saudi Arabia on recent changes in Syria. The central issue of this study is examining the conflicting strategies of Iran and Saudi Arabia on Syrian crisis; i. e. why Iran and Saudi Arabia have different strategies towards the crisis happening in Syria?