سمیه حمیدی

Development is a strategy of moving towards favorable conditions of social life and a multi-dimensional process including simultaneous and coordinated material and spiritual development, which was proposed in some Persian Gulf countries from the middle of the 20th century. Among these countries, the United Arab Emirates has also been able to travel the path of growth and development in economic, social and human fields at a fast pace. The main issue of the present research is how the government has influenced the development pattern and process in this country? The UAE government has been able to achieve superior economic and human development indicators by using the tools and policies of the development-oriented government and become one of the effective global powers. The following study, by examining the development process in the United Arab Emirates in a descriptive-analytical way and emphasizing Adrian Leftwich's point of view, concludes that the development-oriented government elites in the United Arab Emirates have been able to act independently and create a bureaucracy. Efficiently in the environment of the weak civil society in which they were located, they provide the conditions for economic growth and development in the domestic and international arena and achieve a significant level of economic and human development with the development of infrastructure.

The delayed emergence of the concept of violence, its cultural roots, and the importance of this issue in contemporary studies underscore the necessity of adopting a historical approach when examining this phenomenon. Violence manifests in various forms, including verbal, physical, and different types of individual, group, and family violence. Given the diversity of violence and the differences in its mechanisms and actors, this research aims to identify the various forms of violence and violent acts, along with the reasons for their emergence, by providing examples from the Qajar era. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method, relying on Slavic Žižek's theory of violence. The findings indicate the influence of rigid public cultural structures, power relations, and the discursive atmosphere of the Qajar era, all of which contributed to the use of violence as a means to consolidate power by repressive and disciplinary forces, enforce laws, attack the status quo, and subjugate individuals. These factors facilitated the manifestation of violence in various forms of violent actions.

The Nordic welfare state model has garnered attention from thinkers due to its unique approach to development and modernization. At the core of Nordic development lies a combination of social welfare policies and the provision of appropriate social services by the government. The aim of this research is to understand the development model in the Nordic countries based on a hybrid-regional logic. The central question of the current study is: what are the characteristics of the Nordic hybrid development model, and what logic of development has it provided for the Scandinavian region? In addressing the main question, the paper utilizes a qualitative-descriptive method within the framework of economic sociology, examining the social logic of development in the Nordic region. It analyzes the main features of the hybrid development models in this region, which include the Nordic welfare state model, the political economy of quality governance, knowledge-based services, and Nordic foreign policy. The foundation of development in the Nordic region is the meaningful creation of a normal and quality life in the material world. For the Nordics, development is a social lifestyle meant for better well-being, which has led to the positive reputation of these countries in the international system and has linked the name and brand of this region with development.

to find traces of Qajar-era Iranians in the French Oriental Scientific Society, which is known as the "Asian Society" (La Société Asiatique) in Paris.

Method and Research Design: 

This research is based on the historical research method based on the collection of findings and verification and comparative and analytical comparison of the information of the Asian journal (Le Journal Asiatique) and finding the documents of the relationship between the Asian Society and its Iranian members in the aforementioned journal.

Regardless of the political relations of the Qajar period rulers with European countries and especially France, which were subject to change at different times, the relations of Iranian political rulers and Iranians of culture and literature with the Asian Society of Paris were continuously maintained. This was a sign of the importance of the process of forming institutionalized relationships in the field of new science and knowledge inside and outside of Iran.

The structure of pre-constitutional political power reflects metaphysical governmentality. With the arrival of modernity in Iran, some components of physical governmentality under the name of constitutional government were considered in the minds of intellectuals. The intellectuals of this period knew the reasons for the backwardness of the country and the progress of the West in the differences between the foundations of the governmentality. Among these intellectuals is Mirza Malekom Khan. He sought to lay the groundwork for government reform in Iran. Thus, he tried to correct the shortcomings and make the political system more efficient by criticizing power, and this led to the comparison of the pre-modern, pre-modern society and authoritarian government with the democratic and legitimate West. This descriptive-analytical method and using the main text of Malkom Khan's works seeks to analyze the principles of modern governmentality in his mind and explain the transition to mechanical rule based on law and order in the mind of this intellectual. The result of the present article is that Malkom Khan was a pioneer and propagandist of modernism and considered the solution to get out of Iran's backwardness in adhering to the monarchy, following the idea of freedom and the rule of law and accepting the modern system of government.

Literary texts, in connection with the social conditions of their time, also show the complex relations of power. In Naser Khosrow's poems, the existing discourses in the society are represented in a way that mainly shows the poet's resistance against the construction of the power of the Sunni government of Ghaznavid religion. Nasser Khosrow's greatest intellectual challenges are the critique of power (hegemony, domination) and the political and religious discourses of the Ghaznavid era. Based on his religious and linguistic knowledge, the poet challenges the discourse hegemony of Ghaznavid rule. According to the poet, the structure of government in that period is a combination of political and religious authority and the way of exercising power is done by political interpretation of religion and knowledge of Shafi'i jurisprudence in order to legitimize the government. Nasser Khosrow, as a Shiite poet, tries to delegitimize the political rule of his time in the form of his poems. The issue of the present article is how Naser Khosrow reacts to the dominant Ghaznavid discourse in his poems and how his religious beliefs are crystallized in the construction of the discourse of legitimacy and reproduction? The method of the present study is Michel Foucault's discourse of power and modern historiography. The result of the research shows that Naser Khosrow's discourse in order to delegitimize the political and social system of his time, shows the conflict of power discourse between Sunni and Shiite political jurisprudence.

In recent years, Geopolitics has undergone changes and transformations with the expansion of the fourth industrial revolution and the growth of technological trends such as artificial intelligence as a sensitive international issue. Basically, getting defamiliarization with the scientific bases of foreign policy and international relations in classical readings and narratives of the problem of division and the problem of fluidity in this field with an emphasis on trends such as artificial intelligence and big data has led to change the geopolitics to extra-geopolitics. These developments and new arrangements are a platform for changing international competitions. Assuming the geopolitical competition of governments in the form of artificial intelligence and using descriptive-analytical methods, this article seeks to answer this question, how Geopolitics has been transformed by artificial intelligence and big data. The findings of the research show that artificial intelligence has led to the redesign of geopolitics in the age of big data and algorithmic competitions.

The process of development in Iran has always faced challenges during the more than four decades since the revolution. This is essentially due to the absence of a consensus on development goals, conflicts among various social forces, and the prevalence of political ideologies in the design and implementation of development policies. The economic challenges facing Iranian society, such as soaring inflation, high unemployment rates, the devaluation of the national currency, the fragility of the financial-banking system, extensive economic sanctions, the interdependence between the economy and political variables, the gap between knowledge-based systems and government capacity, and the creation of a development trap, have significantly hampered the success of development in post-revolutionary Iran. The main inquiry of this article is in what ways have shifts in the discourse of development impeded progress in Iran? Therefore, the fundamental hypothesis of this research is that the cause of this failure is the creation of development traps, lack of consensus, and the transformation of development into an antagonistic issue in post-revolutionary governments from 1989 to 2021. Within this framework, the research methodology is descriptive-analytical, with an emphasis on integrating the theories of Chambers Johnson and Ajam-Oghlo and Robinson.

The model of economic convergence in the context of interactive - Dissipated political economy in today's world is a model of order in world politics, and the pursuit of such a model helps to power - maker, gain credibility and international weight of countries. Interaction-oriented and diffuse political economy Since the 2000s, Qatar political construction has emerged as an inevitable necessity for the production of regional-international power. This approach by Qatar's system of governance means that the country must act as a viable and balanced actor in regional and supra-regional communication cluster-building and networking to a stable economic and political relationship to secure international interests and prestige. The question now is how Qatar's model of political economy has functioned as a component of power generation in the international system, and what are the characteristics of this model? Using descriptive-analytical method and relying on library resources and examining Qatar's economic information, this study seeks to explain Qatar's interactive geoeconomics from the perspective of political economy as the basis for power-building the country in the international system. The results show that the interactive dimensions of Qatar's political economy seek adaptation and self-expansion in the international system.

The concept of citizenship entered the political literature of Iran for the first time with the introduction of the constitutional discourse in the political sphere by the Qajar thinkers. But due to the lack of necessary infrastructure and nation-building components, this was lost with the failure of the constitution. Since the concept of citizenship rights is one of the effective factors in building a nation-state, and attention to the rights of the nation is one of the pillars of democracy-based government; This concept has a direct effect on political development and equal distribution of resources.Research The present article, based on Brian Turner's theory, has tried to understand citizenship and citizenship rights in the second Pahlavi era, using documents and library resources and a descriptive-analytical method by investigating the obstacles to the realization of citizenship rights in this era The seeks to answer this question. How ignoring citizenship rights led to the formation of the Islamic Revolution. The findings of the research show that despite the efforts to modernize and transform the social structure of Iran, significant developments in the field of realizing citizenship in the second Pahlavi period in dimensions The case of Turner's theory has not occur. The result of the research is as follows that due to the lack of attention to political-economic rights, inequality in the allocation of resources, per-sonalization of power, and ultimately the ineffectiveness of the Carter Declaration of Human Rights and its incomplete implementation in Iran, it has been one of the obstacles to the realization of citizenship rights.

Modernism is a type of social life and institution whose primary paradigm is a self-reflective, self-critical wisdom that perpetually evaluates human traditions. This phenomenon originated in the West and spread progressively to other regions. The emergence of this way of thinking in Iran elicited various responses. Some of the intelligentsia attempted to establish a secular and modern order by rejecting traditional and religious values and imitating non-western styles. In contrast, a number of religious intellectuals who flourished primarily in the forties and fifties of the Shamsi calendar opposed this idea and attempted to rely on religious values, correct it with modern ideas compatible with Islam, and prevent the penetration of Western ideas into their culture and civilization. Imam Khomeini, one of the intellectuals of the forties and fifties according to the Shamsi calendar, studied and criticized western humanistic and colonial aspects, while accepting some of its civilizational principles according to Islamic interpretation. Analytical-descriptive methodology is used in this study to examine the effect of Modernism Mindset on Imam Khomeini’s thought, based on three principles of Lacan as a religious intellectual and his desired social-political order. Imam Khomeini's reputation as one of the most influential religious thinkers of the 1940s and 1950s is founded on a critique of the west’s colonial and humanistic aspects. Although he adopts certain intellectual principles of Western civilization in accordance with his religious interpretation, he employs them to create his transcendent sociopolitical order. However, research indicates that Imam Khomeini opposed Shah’s iconoclastic and anti-modern actions, preached the truth, and attempted to reconstruct a political system based on sublime religious values through symbolic action.

The Arab Spring marked a new chapter in the development of the Middle East, with significant changes occurring in the socio-political structures of some Arab countries. During the Arab Spring, the long-standing tyranny in the Arab world was challenged, and the disaffected masses expressed their discontent through continuous street and revolutionary protests. The analysis of these uprisings is psychologically plausible. The dissatisfied masses of the Arab world challenged the symptomatic system of long-standing Arab tyranny, creating a symptom with change and demanding it from the sphere of power. However, these protests were not fundamental and emerged more in the form of a barren political coalition, positively demonstrating the nature of the social and all-encompassing revolution.
In this article, we want to investigate and analyze the process of political and social uprising during the Arab Spring against the authoritarian system by using Gilles Deleuze's theory. The hypothesis is that the disaffected masses in the Arab world, by expressing their desire to participate in their political and social destiny, presented a syndrome contrary to the symptomatic system of authoritarianism ruling in the Arab countries, and in the practical field, they engaged in superficial political action in the form of a political revolution to realize the desire to turn to political participation. Various researches have been conducted on the Arab Spring uprising, most of which have examined political, social and economic factors from domestic, regional and global perspectives. In this article, emphasizing the psychoanalytical analysis of this general movement in the Arab world, we want to present a different reading with the aforementioned works. Therefore, we examine the developments of the Arab Spring in the countries of Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia.
The main question of this study is: What is the process of diversity and change in North African countries due to the Arab Spring, and what is the path of the politics of desire for power? Our hypothesis is that the paranoid structure of the authoritarian system in the Arab world is the main obstacle to the establishment of democratic order in these societies. This article intends to analyze and study the evolution of the Arab Spring using the theory of Gilles Deleuze.
The movements and uprisings of the Arab Spring since 2011 led to the dominant order and the symptoms of paranoid tyranny of the involved societies, experiencing severe institutional and functional challenges. In Arab societies, signs such as closed political culture, weak participatory processes, systematic administrative corruption, sick bureaucracies, severe economic challenges had always weakened civil society and social forces. With the arrival of trends and prospects of globalization and new tools such as media and virtual networks to the societies involved, their dominant order changed. In such a way that the political arena in these countries underwent diversity and discourse transformation, or according to Deleuze's thought, the paranoid pole was drawn into strategic challenges by the activated schizo pole, whose revolutionary actions were aimed at change and desire to become. The Arab Spring movements in a new reading were revolutions in cultural necessity. A culture that suffered from tyranny, repression, corruption, inefficiency, and a revolutionary and cultural movement could lead such an authoritarian cultural order from the paranoid pole to the schizo and transformational pole. In other words, the social demands in the Arab Spring movements were based on the transition to democracy as a discursive and political development. A development that could change the politics in these countries. But these uprisings could not make the transition from authoritarianism to democracy successfully due to the lack of a single leadership, the lack of an organized ideology, the superficiality of the movements, and the lack of a structural alternative, and led to the reproduction of authority and domination in new forms. The reason for that was the rhizomatic nature of its revolutionary movement and the lack of a single organization. In general, these three strategies for change in the policy arena of the discussed countries are significant for diversity and transformation: 1. Using civil capacities and platforms to deal with challenges and threats and to create a democratic and capable civil society; 2. Dealing intelligently with threats according to their internal structure 3. Social empowerment of citizens for efficient institutional social changes.

The importance of the research: Turkey's geopolitical position in the Middle East region as an upstream country with Tigris and Euphrates water resources has made Turkey, as a State - activist, use these water resources as a political-security tool in the direction of transition to a central power in the region. Turkey's water policy, which is a sign of conflict with the current structure and order of the Middle East, and tries to increase its regional power by identifying the future crisis of the region, i.e., water, and basically seeks regional order and management to make itself a regional hub and actor become one in the Middle East. The present article tries to answer the question, with a descriptive-analytical method and the use of the confrontation maturity model, with what tools and components is Turkey trying to create dangerous order in the Middle East? The main hypothesis: Turkey, by turning and emphasizing on the hydro political issue and in the form of hydro-hegemonism strategy, is looking for order in the Middle East and becoming a central power in this geopolitical platform.

Turkey's water action is a tool for regional order, gaining a superior position, transitioning from a regional power to a central power.

Diversification of economic models is an Inevitable Necessity for Countries with one-sided political economy. Essentially, economic diversity allows governments to turn threats into opportunities and to use economic variables in the Power manufacturing. For this purpose, one of the countries that has used diversification in the economy in the framework of the knowledge-based economy model is Qatar. Emphasizing the convergence between government, industry and academia in a systemic cycle, the country seeks to increase its political power while changing approach to the hydrocarbon political economy, and as an adaptive actor has multiple options for empowerment and lays the groundwork. Become a modern developmental government. The Purpose of this article is to answer the question to what extent does the knowledge-based economy, as a new and empowering approach to economics and politics, play a role in creating a compatible development-oriented government in Qatar? The research hypothesis is that Qatar government, Will emphasizing the knowledge-based economy, Economic diversification approach and the model of Niche Diplomacy in Foreign Policy to build a Developmental State has followed. To test this hypothesis, the subject is placed in the conceptual context of knowledge-based economics theory. The method of data collection is library and the method of research descriptive-analytical. Based on the hypothesis test, the research findings show that Qatar has adopted a new developmental ecosystem to produce power and wealth simultaneously with the knowledge-based economy approach.The Persian Gulf region has always had many valuable natural reserves such as oil and gas due to its geo-economic position, and the countries of the region have a hydrocarbon political economy due to these geo-economic drivers. In recent years, some countries in the region, such as Qatar, in order to diversify their economic models, transition from a single-product economy and reduce the vulnerability factor, have developed new strategies and perspectives for the development and change of economic approaches, and are trying to apply the knowledge-based economy model as a model and the new alternative has been a development with international perspectives. The focus of Qatar's leaders and internal institutions to change the approach of a single-product and oil political economy to a knowledge-based economy that includes cooperation between industry, academic institutions and the government has been established in the country's upstream documents and visions, such as the Qatar National Vision 2030 document. The path of development in a region with chaos and tension and emerging as an effective regional and international order-making power has been taken into consideration from this point of view.MethodologyThe present Article through an analytical process method, and Data collected based on the library one.Result and DiscussionConsidering the problem of improving the potential of their political economy, Qatari statesmen have offered programs based on good governance model and participation at regional levels as a peace-making mediator, in order to generate wealth in the economy, produce power in foreign policy and apply an adaptive model. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision.ConclusionThe findings show that the patterns of political economy are evolving and based on those countries have achieved new models of development. Today, Qatar in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East region has created a new level of development for the transformation of the State institution by emphasizing the knowledge-based political economy. Qatar, as a small state with great international ambitions to diversify its economy and become a regional power and an emerging global power, has followed such an approach, and this approach has paved the path of Qatar's development, which is drawn according to the 2030 vision. The approach of Qatar's knowledge-based economy, along with generating wealth in the field of economy, includes political activism in regional and international foreign policy.

The purpose of this research is to examine the concept of citizenship rights after the Islamic revolution, which has had a dual definition in different eras. On the one hand, based on the principle of democracy and independence, the rights of the nation are recognized, and on the other hand, according to the provisions of the constitution, the term citizenship and citizenship rights have not been discussed directly, therefore, the society and governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran needs a more accurate approach. The present article is based on Brian Turner's theory to understand citizenship and citizenship rights during the Islamic Republic period and by using library documents and sources and descriptive-analytical method, it tries to answer this question, why the concept of citizenship rights in the post-Islamic revolution period has never been able to be properly defined. and to receive accurate information and what were the factors and obstacles to the realization of this based on Turner's theory. This research seeks to find the causes and obstacles that have caused the non-realization of citizenship rights in the Islamic Republic. The result of the research shows that despite the efforts of the governments to realize this, due to the lack of elite consensus, the lack of explicit definition in the constitution, neglect of non-governmental organizations and differences in the creation of a single political and social identity among the society, during these 4 decades, the rights Citizenship could not be fully realized in Iranian society.

Data for this research was collected in a library method, in order to investigate the rules of order and principles of literary in the poems of the Manichaeans in both parthian and sogdian languages. The poems of the Manichaeans are hymns with religious, mystical and mythological themes that the Manichaeans sang in their rituals and religious rituals. There is no doubt that Mani and the missionaries of the Manichaean religion used the oral tradition and the art of poetry to reflect their teachings in order to better and more easily impress their audience. These missionaries traveled to different cities and wrote these hymns in different languages. In this article, we intend to show the existence of the rules of order and literary devices such as simile, metaphor, contrast, etc. by citing examples. Based on this, we will introduce the examples first; then we analyze them from the point of view of rhetoric and poetic system in both parthian and sogdian languages and reach the results obtained. It should be noted that whenever in this article we talk about Huvidagmān, the authors mean parthian and sogdian pieces.

In psychological discourse, subjects located in social act context use language as a tool for understanding their contextual phenomena. Indeed, based on interaction of language and context, individual’s discourse practices are established in social context, and because of this interaction, the discourse is strengthened or weakened. Despite the fact that total nationalism-secularism discourse of Pahlavi the Second is in hegemony social context, actors of lingual single speech indicate its inconsistent orientations toward dominant speech. Though this lingual part is hidden, but it opens critical mindfulness of actors of this period toward dominant political phenomena. On the basis of this, each of the actors of Pahlavi the Second, by accepting dominant principles of discourse established on total monarchy is affected by different approaches of its psychology rooted in their contextual contexts and has different perception of established identity of Pahlavi the Second. On the basis of the Patter and Votrel’s discourse psychological approach; this study tries to examine different perception of index actors in era of Pahlavi the Second located in reciprocal act with dominant discourse structure using their political diaries. According to the result of the current paper, Alam and Hoveida as two typical actors of Pahlavi Era, despite their official comments based on total monarchy of Pahlavi, but among their informal correspondence, their mindset inconsistency is apparent with Pahlavi power structure.

The present study is based on the history of Iranian studies of the Asian Society (La Société asiatique) of Paris based on its official organ, the Asian Journal (Journal asiatique). Since from the beginning, there are several articles related to the history and culture of Iran in this journal, and according to the data extracted from the journal in the first hundred years of the Society with quantitative and qualitative analysis and review of Iranian studies articles, it is possible to determine the position of Iran in the Oriental studies of Society from the very beginning, and the position of different scientific schools especially philology and ancient languages can be seen. Also, the scientific and cultural relations between Iranians and prominent French Iranologists can be observed. Following these studies, other insights such as the motivations, concerns, and goals of the sponsors and the research priorities and missions defined by the Society have been obtained. Finally, by examining all these cases, it can be seen that during the period under review, the view of French Iranologists towards Iran and Iranians has always been friendly and respectful. The present result is independent of the perceptions and opinions of European orientalists, especially French, and is only relevant to the Iranologists of Asian Society.

Citizenship rights is the most important contemporary legal issue and an emerging concept that has found a special place in social and political theories. Above all, citizenship rights discuss the rights, such as residence, education, and health, that everyone gets as a citizen of a state. Citizenship rights are realized when all members of the society achieve all civil and political rights and the citizen has responsibility as a member of the society along with the better management of the society and establishing social order and recognizing these interactive rights have an effective role in promoting citizenship rights and creating a society based on social order and justice. The present article, relying on the historical sociology approach based on Bryan.S.turner's theory, has tried to understand citizenship and citizenship rights in the constitutional era, by using library documents and resources and descriptive-analytical method by examining the obstacles to the realization . In this article, it is trying to answer the question that what were the factors and obstacles to the realization of citizenship rights in the constitutional era? The hypothesis of this research is that in the context of the weak central government, the weakness of the political culture of the mass of the people, the political elites did not ultimately lead to the formation of citizenship rights.

In dealing with the arrival of modernity in Iran, intellectuals have shown various reactions (history). Some rejected it, some imitated it, and some selected some of the modern principles (background). The religious modernists of the 1940s and 1950s, who on the one hand were concerned with religion and tradition, and on the other hand, called for the promotion of culture, technological progress, and the political development of the country; They wanted to create harmony between religion and a changing society, in the mind influenced by their modernity And establish a desirable socio-political order. Shahid Motahari is also included in this category. Therefore, in this research, based on Lacan's triple theory, we will investigate the effect of modern mentality on the desired political-social order in the thought of Shahid Motahari based on the descriptive-analytical method (problem and method). Therefore, in this article, the important question is about the desired type of government considered by Professor Motahari (Question). The result of the research shows that based on Lacan's theory, Motahari is against changing his identity and imitating another's identity; But at the same time, for the growth of Islamic-Iranian identity, it tends to benefit from Western facilities, technology and development. Therefore, on this basis and with the approach of accepting the modern objective achievements as imaginary and negating its epistemological aspects which were in conflict with the symbolic ruling of the society, he explains the theory of religious authority. (Finding)

The beginning of the Islamic Awakening movements with emphasis on the reaction paradigm caused systemic crises in the political, economic, cultural and social order in the Middle East. Basically, one of the countries that has changed and emerged from the crisis due to the recent developments in North Africa and the Middle East due to the Islamic Awakening. In this country, due to a series of accumulated challenges and demands, which is manifested in the form of relative deprivation, it entered into a pervasive security dilemma that left the country's decision-making system in crisis. Now, the question arises that in re-reading the phenomenon of Islamic awakening in a reactionary narrative centered on the issue of relative deprivation, how was this issue effective as a catalyst in the emergence of fundamentalist groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra? (Introduction). Descriptive-analytical method and using the theory of relative deprivation as a subset of reactive paradigms (Method), This hypothesis that the inability of the ruling system as a decision-making variable in Syria due to its inability to respond to social demands has paved the way for fundamentalist groups to pursue a policy of violence. (Hypothesis). Finally, with the rise of the Nusra Front, Syria's socio-political structure entered a pervasive security crisis that essentially led to de-security and challenged the country's dominant order. (Results).

Political education is one of the concepts that plays a key role in shaping the frameworks of Islamic government and characterizing the type of action of society. Political education is a process that begins with non-political affairs and then moves on to simpler areas. In Islamic thought and the behavioral patterns of the Imams (as), the social education of man and society has always been of great importance. Infallible Imams, through social education and civic education (political education), have always explained religious teachings in the individual and governmental spheres and have trained human beings of Islamic culture and identity. In Imam Reza's (pbuh) political thought, the concept of civic education or political education is basically related to empowering the Muslim community in order to raise awareness and raise their level of insight to understand the existing trends. In this regard, the main question of the present study is what the meaning of political education in the thought of Imam Reza is (Pbuh) and what are its components? According to the research findings in the behavioral model of Imam Reza (Pbuh), political education basically means modern Islamic nation-building and civilization-building and has its own components and characteristics, such as right orientation, justice, freedom of expression, honor and respect. Audience and awareness of the time is one of the most important features of political education in their thought and behavior pattern. Based on this, the above research will take a descriptive-analytical approach to answer the main question.

Ethnicity; Ethnic tendencies and feelings and hostility to foreign groups that have several generations of permanence and persistence and are studied in the context of social disruptions. A phenomenon that reinforces feelings of kinship, racial affiliation, underestimation of the identity and culture of others, and intensifies separatism.By examining and analyzing this social problem through a grounded theory, a paradigm model based on the perceptions and interpretations of actors and experts has been presented. Causal conditions are the link between the set of factors and political-security and cultural-social interventions of foreign forces and internal factors such as discrimination and the weakness of diplomacy as the bedrock of external factors. The basis conditions include feelings of relative deprivation, geographical location, ethnocentrism, ethnic cohesion under nationalism, Iran-friendliness, Shiism, and Azeri identity-seeking, weak flaws, and non-segregated protests. Intervention conditions are the cohesion of foreign mass media in making waves, the weakness of national and local media, historical oblivion, the transformation of sports clubs into rallies, and the surfing of ethnic groups. Strategies include: enlightenment of public opinion, development of social justice, social pathology, strengthening of Islamic rituals, political-security confrontation with foreign forces, national identity and strengthening of national and local media .Consequences: Decreased national legitimacy and authority, threat to social security, weakening of beliefs, increasing social challenges, ethnic divergence, gap in national unity and the possibility of armed war and foreign interference.

Undoubtedly, one of the most important issues in the field of political thought in the public sphere is the relationship between the institution of religion and the public sphere. There is serious controversy among religious and secular thinkers about the nature of this relationship. The epistemological and historical experience of modernity shows that religion is beyond what we can reduce to ideology or to equate with secularism. In today's society, life has no meaning in itself, and one must think about how religious traditions can coexist in the public sphere. The point of this article is what role can institutionalized religion play in this? Can it open the door to dialogue in the public arena or does it prevent it at all? This article presents models of the relationship between institutionalized religion and the public sphere. Then, by examining three perspectives in this field, it tries to present a model that works for Islamic Iran by using the results of a comparative study between the mentioned models. And to free us from the double entanglement that either religion must take over the government or be reduced to the private sphere altogether. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical.