سید علاالدین شاهرخی

As one of the customary gifts of the Safavid era, robes were consistently bestowed upon subordinates by superiors. In fact, the practices of robe-bestowal and robe-wearing in the Safavid era, serving as a ritual that often delineated the status of high-ranking statesmen relative to others, held significant importance in the foreign relations of Safavid shahs. This research, employing a library-based methodology, will examine and analyze the political functions of robe-bestowal and robe-wearing in Safavid foreign relations through a descriptive-analytical approach. The findings of this study indicate that robes were bestowed directly and indirectly by the shahs upon foreign ambassadors, enemies, and officials involved in foreign relations. Direct bestowal upon ambassadors revealed the shah and court's perspective on the negotiating countries, while, when confronting enemies, it served to demonstrate power and deter war. Indirectly, during wartime and confrontations with foreign enemies, the shah's robe-bestowal to subordinates varied based on their performance. Thus, victory over enemies and the imposition of defeat were accompanied by honorary robes from the shah. Conversely, individuals who suffered defeat in confrontations with enemies were subject to robes of humiliation and insult from the shah; occasionally, however, conciliatory robes were sent based on individuals' pasts. The issue of demonstrating and preserving the power of Safavid shahs in comparison to their counterparts played a significant role in the bestowal of robes to individuals involved in this matter.

With the flow of Saqifa Bani Saedah, the issue of Ghadir Kham was forgotten and faced with political challenges of the era after the Prophet (PBUH), one of the historical consequences of which was imposed on the family of the Prophet (PBUH) was the usurpation of Fadak. As the society moved away from the issue Ghadir's imamate and distortion, as valid evidences in the issue of Fadak's usurpation, should be given the attention of researchers. The hypothesis is considered that the Prophet (pbuh) and subsequently Hazrat Zahra (pbuh) proposed this theory as the basic model of Muslim unity. Fadak and Ghadir share in the discourse of that era. Important indicators for this discussion are considered in Fadak and Ghadir's narrative propositions such as; Subject area and framework, identity, highlighting principle, behavioral advice, link between elements and language system. As a result, Fadak's sermon is also an example of critical discourse that Hazrat expressed in the process of vindicating his right and continuing the legitimacy of the Alavi family in Ghadir Kham and its global messages, on Wilayat and Imamate by referring to the verses and relying on the intellectual and cultural background of the audience.

Pīshkesh, a traditional structure in Iran, was also prevalent during the Safavid period. Influenced by the cultural changes of Perso-Turkish patterns in post-Islamic Iran, this tradition emerged as a tax with various functions. Among these, meeting the financial needs of the court was one of its most important roles. This essay focuses on the characteristics and financial functions of Pīshkesh, aiming to shed light on some unexplored aspects within the internal structure of the Safavid government. It also considers the economic ramifications of Pīshkesh as well as its political and cultural connotations. As the study shows, Pīshkesh contributed to the financial expenses of the Safavid government. For instance, on special occasions like Nowruz and coronation ceremonies, significant gifts were donated to the Safavid monarchs. Interestingly enough, both the state (specifically the Shâh) and the donors benefited from Pīshkesh. The state used this mechanism to strengthen its financial power, while donors improved their political standing. Consequently, the Safavid administrative structure, which directly benefited from this valuable source, sought to increase Pīshkesh contributions. This situation inevitably led to financial corruption. The Safavid period has been less examined from the perspective of issues such as Pīshkesh. This essay attempts to view the Safavid period from a less political angle.

As historical research, this study is based mainly on first-hand sources in Persian. A bunch of literary sources such as travelogues, historiographical narratives, administrative compendiums and diplomatic reports are commissioned to frame the factual structure of the study. In order to attain the purposes, a variety of literary materials has been extracted from the historiographical texts, travelogues, and administrative booklets constitute the factual basis of the research. From the analytical point of view, an explanatory-descriptive approach is employed to address the research question. It is noteworthy that historiographical sources provide limited information about Pīshkesh, whereas travelogues offer extensive insights in this field.Literature Review:The Safavid period has been a fascinating topic for Iranian scholars and their orientalist colleagues from all over the world. Among these scholars, some have studied the entire Safavid era, including political, economic, and other issues. N. Falsafi, E. Eshraqi, Roger Savory, H. R. Roemer, M. Sefatgol and recently Andrew Newman can be enumerated within this category. Other scholars focused more on economic issues, examining the government from an economic perspective. Among Iranians, M. E. Bâstâni Pârizi was a pioneer scholar who in his classic Eqtesad va Siyasat dar Iran-e ‘Asr-e Safavi explored different aspects of economic life of Safavid Iran in relation with the political sphere. Ronald W. Ferrier, Willem Floor and Rudi Matthee are some western scholars who have dealt with the socio-economic aspects of Safavid Iran. These scholars mostly focused on trade and commercial issues as well as their diplomatic ramifications. Not surprisingly, some of these scholars have studies Pīshkesh and its functions within the more inclusive framework of Safavid administration and political system. Yet, no one appropriated an independent study to this subject. Considering this lack, the present paper has focused on Pīshkesh (Gift) and its functions. It aims to illuminate the financial, political, and cultural dimensions of the Safavid period. Pīshkesh is considered a tool for understanding cultural issues.

In conclusion, Pīshkesh contributed to the financial expenses of the Safavid government. For example, on special occasions like Nowruz and coronation ceremonies, significant gifts were donated to the Safavid monarchs. Both the state (specifically the Shâh) and the donors benefited from Pīshkesh. The state used it to strengthen its financial power, while donors improved their political standing. Consequently, the Safavid administrative structure, which directly benefited from this valuable source, sought to increase Pīshkesh contributions, leading to inevitable financial corruption. Additionally, this essay considers the role of Pīshkesh in the power relations of the Safavid government. Some statesmen used Pīshkesh to maintain or improve their office positions. Thus, the essay adopts a two-sided perspective: Pīshkesh had both financial and political functions. Furthermore, some cultural issues can be understood through Pīshkesh, highlighting its complexity and multifaceted nature.

In addition to reason, human happiness requires guidance by leaders who have moral virtues and human perfections; according to the Twelver Shiites, the infallible imams (as) were worthy and appointed by Allah the Almighty and were responsible for guiding the people. Imam Javād (as) was surrounded by a complex set of obstacles and internal problems related to Shiites and foreigners (Abbasid Caliphate) in one of the most sensitive periods of Islamic history, and while he was only seven years old, he took the responsibility of Imamate and leading the people. Therefore, it is necessary to carefully evaluate and study how the imam is confronted in each section in order to gain knowledge. The basic issue of this research is that how and with what strategies did the Imam in his speech with different currents and groups act to inform and increase their knowledge? What were his measures to guide the elites and the people in the face of the intrigues of the Abbasid Caliphate, different and sometimes deviant thoughts and ideas? The research method in this article is analytical-descriptive and the method of collecting information is library. The findings of this research indicate that the guidance strategy of Imam Javād (as) are: use of reasoning, discourse according to the Qur'an and Sunnah, gaining people's trust, using the existing capacities even in the Abbasid government to make people aware of true Islam, explaining the position of Ahl al-Bayt (as), expressing the atrocities of the government, not shying away from accepting responsibility, dissemination of divine knowledge and preparation for the period of Imam Mahdi (as) Occult.

Examining the different aspects of the culture-creating thought currents of Imam Masoom (a.s.) in each time period can more fully explain a part of the political and intellectual history of that period; Therefore, it is essential to know the thought, discourse and intellectual strategies of Imam Hadi (AS) as the leader of Imami Shiites in Iran and other Islamic lands. Cultural strategies are one of the basic components in advancing the goals, because in this way, the beliefs and appropriate human way of life can be transferred to the society. The brutal violence and tyranny of the Abbasid caliphate had caused numerous intellectual and cultural challenges in Islamic societies, including Iran; Despite the difficult conditions of his era, Imam Hadi (a.s.) through thought-oriented and culturally effective strategies and by guiding the Shiite thinkers in Iran, especially in Qom, Ahvaz, Ray and Khorasan, to create a discourse, a software movement and create a current. cultural payment This research was carried out with a descriptive and analytical approach and its results show these important points that the Imam focused on the software movement by nurturing and guiding talented and efficient intellectual forces and the intellectual development of the society and the intellectual flow of the followers of Ahl al-Bayt (A.S.). preserved and strengthened in Iran and other Islamic lands; He answered people's questions directly or through his students, debated with opponents, and encouraged his companions and students to engage in various cultural activities in the community, including discipleship, clearing people's doubts, authoring books, debating and exposing deviant thoughts..

The guilds were one of the important economic groups, who distanced themselves from their traditional role with their widespread presence in the constitutional revolution. They were limited by government policies during the Pahlavi I period, . Tthe Tudeh party, which introduced itself as a supporter of the working classes, and attract them to the Soviet Communists, it published various newspapers such as Shahbaz, and etc. Khalq newspaper owned by Mustafa Lankarani was the organ of Jamiat Azadi Iran, which was launched in order to explain the economic conditions and problems of trade unions. By a descriptive-analytical method , this Study tries to show how the status of guilds is reflected in Khalq newspaper?. The result of the research shows that a considerable amount of articles related to this issue shows the wrong economic policy of the government in the entry of corrupt and bad goods into the country and the closure of domestic workshops, bankruptcy and poverty of guilds, which is due to the lack of a correct economic plan and the lack of coordination of economic and The production of the government created problems for the guilds, including the high cost of production raw materials, and the oppression of municipal and police officials. It has also provided solutions based on encouraging the export of goods based on barter trade with the Soviet Union in contrast to Truman's Four Principles and paying attention to the lives of villagers to increase their purchasing power in line with Soviet communist policies.

Khalat as a common tradition in Iran history has also had significant political functions. What’s more, not only political functions but also fiscal ones are other dimensions of this old tradition. Analyzing the contrıbution of Khalat in the Safavid official mechanism, this essay tries to provide a comprehensive understanding of the complex administrative structure of the Safavid government. So, historiographical sources and travelogues are used to form a desired narrative. The result of the essay represents a two-faceted problem. On one hand, Shâh and the magnates have tried maintain their political position through Khalat. On the other hand, the policy of some governors and recipients of Khalat was focused on maintaining and continuing their relationship with the central government. Looking at this issue from the perspective of mutual benefits, this essay argues that both of them have sought to consolidate and maintain their power through the implementation of an ancient tradition such as Khalat. As a result, statesmen such as governors put pressure on the people to provide financial resources for Khalat. Therefore, this approach has had consequences, one of which was increasing in social difficulties, although the classical historiographical texts have usually silent. 

The “Young Ottomans” were the first modernist thinkers and critics in Tanzimat era who sought to recognize the Ottomans Empire decline and used newspaper to express their thoughts and ideas. This paper examines and analyzes the causes of the decline of the Ottoman economy in Tanzimat era from the perspective of the Young Ottomans’ newspapers. The findings of the research show that the Young Ottomans considered the wrong policies of the statesmen of the Tanzimat era as the main reason for the decline of the Ottoman economy in this period and they demonstrated the manifestations of such policies in the context of foreign loans, tax system, trade agreements with western countries, railway development plan and implementation of western laws.

Contemplating the rise and fall of governments, their nature and structure is one of the important topics of historical thinking and historiography, which has always been the concern of some thinkers. They have proposed theories by formulating the rules governing the development of states. Ibn Khaldoun is one of these thinkers who proposed a theory to understand the rise and fall of states. The Seljuq dynasty, which ruled the land of Iran for about two centuries, is the first Illyrian state that dominated this land, and from this point of view, it is important to think about how this state was formed. The current research aims to explain the formation of this dynasty based on Ibn Khaldoun's theory in a descriptive-analytical way. The findings indicate that the variables mentioned in Ibn Khaldoun's theory, such as the Illyrian origin of the Seljuks, tribal nervousness, the reproduction of the power structure using force and the weakened nervousness of the established government (Ghaznavids), were the most important factors have played a role in the rise of the Seljuks. 

The present study aims to investigate the impact of the Samanid, Ghaznavid and Buyid governments on foreign trade in their respective territories based on an analytical method and archival-documentary data collection. The results show that the formation of the Samanid, Ghaznavid and Buyid states from the end of the third century AH led to a relative stabilization of the political situation, which in turn resulted in a growth of the urban economy, including markets, industry and especially trade. The large amount of Samanid silver coins found in Europe (due to the importation of slaves and other trade goods from Eastern Europe) indicates the outflow of a large amount of liquidity from Samanid territory, resulting in an unfavorable balance of trade. In the Ghaznavid period, on the other hand, liquidity increased due to the inflow of huge gold and silver reserves, which effectively facilitated trade and minting. In western Iran, the Buyids, unlike their two eastern neighbors, used the gold and silver reserves to support the textile industry, which allowed trade to flourish. Finally, a similar pattern can be observed in all three states: Measures such as minting coins of high fineness, maintaining the value of the coins, securing the roads by eradicating bandits, placing signposts in the deserts, building caravanserais and bridges over the rivers, Rabat and wells along the roads, which significantly increased and improved domestic and foreign trade.

Imam Ali (AS) is an example of a perfect human being whom God has chosen as an ethical model and teacher to guide people. Therefore, to achieve a practical model and avoid following imported plans that are not suitable for Islamic society, the thoughts and ideas of Imam Ali (AS) regarding education and training should be studied. Teachers and students are considered two crucial cultural pillars of society, and knowing and respecting their rights will lead to the growth and excellence of the education system. This article has analyzed the practical model of teacher and student mutual rights from Imam Ali's (AS) perspective through a descriptive-analytical method. The present study's findings indicate that Imam considered mutual rights for the teacher and the student, including humility, acquiring knowledge, not being rude, consulting, etc. Therefore, the teacher should remove the dust of ignorance from the soul of the students by following Imam Ali's (AS) thoughts and ideas, and the students should consider learning as a sacred entity and strive with all their heart in learning and self-improvement.

The geographical location of Dulghadϊr Emirate (1339-1521), which was located in an area bordered with both Ottoman and Safavid territories, caused it to be affected by the political circumstances of these two governments. Dulghadϊr government, which sought to find an ally and join a more powerful government for its survival, adopted a contradictory policy in relation to the Safavid and Ottoman governments. At the beginning of the formation of the Safavid government, the Dulghadϊr were supporters and obedient to Shāh Ismāil I (1501-1524), then they supported his enemy, i.e. Murād Beg Aq Quyūnlu (1500-1508). On the other hand, Dulghadϊr ruler also took the path of hypocrisy towards the Ottoman government. Sultān Selim I (1512-1520), who witnessed Alā-al-dawlah Dulghadϊr's (1479-1515) continuous failures towards the Ottomans, took advantage of the weakness of this government and attacked Dulghadϊr, defeating its government and capturing its territory. This paper is aimed to investigate the effect of the Dulghadϊr conflict with the both Safavid and Ottoman governments on the process of the fall of the Dulghadϊr Emirate, in a descriptive-analytical way.

Social identity is a feeling and attitude that arises from being part of a social group. It invoves understanding and acknowledging  once’s membership in the group and how one presents themseves to others. It also includes individual's group membership. In the middle of the 6th century of Hijri, a book entitled Fażā’īḥ ul-Rawāfīż was written against the Shiites of Ray, and the Imami community of Ray nominated Šeikh Abd al- Jalil Qazvini to respond to this book. Qazvini Razi has provided us with the self/other dialectic to determine the social identity of the Imamiyyah of Ray by guaranteeing the quotations from the lost book of Fażā’īḥ ul-Rawāfīż.The current research aims to investigate the reflection of the social identity of Imamiyyah in the book of al-Naqż by the method of historical description and analysis and using library references, emphasizing the understanding of self/other, and according to the definition of social identity, shows others’s response to the redefinition of the Imami identity by Šeiḵ Abd al- Jalil. The findings indicate that Qazvini Razi has tried to redefine the social identity of the Aṯnā ‘Ašari Imamiyyah by narrowing the circle within the Imamiyyah group and differentiating it from some other Imami groups. Examining the other’s point of view in the books that were written after him in Ray and near it showed that there has been no change in determining the identity of Imamiyyah.

Social institutions in the contemporary history of Iran have been centered on the institution of religion and led by the clergy and seminaries; Historical evidences in this era show the numerous social actions of Shia scholars and their extraordinary influence among the masses of people. The lack of necessary platforms to achieve security and social rights and the relative growth of people's awareness caused them to use religious holy places as centers of litigation many times during the period in question; In this regard, the sit-in in Goharshad Mosque in July 1935 with the request and support of the people and the social influence of Khorasan scholars, who were the elites of their era, has a special significance.This research was conducted using the historical research method and in a descriptive-analytical way and tried to investigate the event of Goharshad Mosque from the perspective of influence and social power of scholars. The findings of the present research show that with the implementation of the pseudo-modernist programs of the first Pahlavi, not only some religious beliefs and rituals were threatened and changed, but also many of the social duties of the clergy and the livelihood of certain classes of the bazaars were reduced, so they repeatedly referred to the clergies. According to the pioneering theory of Pareto's elites, the scholars of Khorasan as the elites of the contemporary Iranian society, led the masses of people in the Goharshad Mosque. The people relied on the scholars, their intellectual leaders to talk to the government; But the result of this cultural protest was an action far from the thought-oriented discourse, the massacre of a number of people and the exile of a number of Khorasan and Bazarian scholars.

The rapid spread of Islamic conquests after the demise of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) in the field of human rights, a serious challenge is formed between the existing method in the caliphate with Islamic social values. During his caliphate, Imam Ali (AS) proposed a new discourse on the rights of the people by proposing the reciprocal rights of the ruler and the people.This study tries to use a descriptive-analytical method to answer the question of how the project of the discourse of mutual rights between the ruler and the people was implemented by Imam Ali (AS). And what effect did it have on the unhealthy legal situation of the Iranian Mawalis, especially in Kufa and the surrounding areas? The findings of this study indicate that the tribal community was influenced by the influence of its leaders and did not understand the importance of this idea of Imam Ali (AS). Regarding the implementation of this theory towards the Mawalis, the Arab aristocracy strongly opposed the Imam and did not pay attention to his Qur'anic instructions in this regard; However, in the long run, it was possible to for everyone, especially for the Mawalis to distinguish between the desired model of people's rights in the Qur'an and Sunnah and in the methods used. Also, the importance of administering legal justice, the correct way of governing discourse with all people, including ethnic and religious minority groups, and the method of achieving it were determined.

Nizamiya schools significantly influenced the Seljuq era's intellectual and religious development. It's required to analyze some of this institution's underappreciated functions. The founder of the schools, Khawaja Nizam al-Mulk, had a religious policy focused on Sunni religious centralization. To legitimize Seljuq and establish Sunni religious unity against rival currents, he followed a unique religious disposition based on Shafi'i-Ash'ari's teachings. He defined its criteria using the "Good-creed" concept. In the Nizamiyas, he continuously used this disposition in educational and propaganda proceedings. This study investigates the components of this model in a descriptive-analytical manner by examining the conditions under Khawaja's ministry and the aims that led to developing a religion-based political strategy. This technique resulted in a balance between Sunni sects (Nahle) as well as the separation of religious beliefs in the type of traditionalists and heretics in a religious arena. According to the findings, Khawaja enhanced the Sunni principles and unity versus the religious propaganda from opposing currents by using this model in the religious sector. He legitimized the Seljuqs' performance and survival in the political realm by Good-creed standards and implemented it in Nizamiya schools for organized institutionalizing the Good-creed model.

The activities of armed groups and heterogeneous religious sects in the first Hijri centuries and by claiming to follow Islam, had caused the world of Islam in cultural aspects, to become a hotbed of discord, arrogance and violence among different Muslim groups and caliphate systems in place at the time. This trend reached its peak at the threshold of Maʾmūn Abbasi’s caliphate period. The enforcement of the successor position upon Imam Riḍā (as) by Maʾmūn  and his presence in Iran, established a good opportunity for Imam (as) for pursuing and implementing the valuable ideals of unity in a society full of chaos. This research, using the analytical-descriptive method while relying on narrative and historical sources and data, attempts to answer, and find the cultural strategies in question that were presumably used by Imam Riḍā (as) to create unity among Muslims as a scholar and a religious leader. The findings of this paper indicate that the Imam (as), based on the guidelines of the Holy Qur’an and Prophetic Sunnah and tradition in his new position at the capital area of Iran, had made the best progress in reaching unity among Muslims by adopting targeted and efficient cultural strategies. His Majesty (as) had considered the essence of the society’s way of thinking and attitude to be the most important element and organized his cultural strategies accordingly. In this context, conversations between Muslims and non-Muslims was pursued instead of ordering the killing of religious opponents. The role and the position of Imam (as) became especially evident in this framework; the focus was put on raising awareness among the scholars and the general public about religious truths and not the illusions of the deviants, and finally, good manners, respect, and the inherent dignity of human beings were further emphasized in all situations.

Political historiography is one of the general features of the Safavid historiography, which has its main reliance on the political and military events and has paid less attention to the social, economic, cultural and artistic affairs. Despite this dominant approach in the political historiography, with the effective support of the Safavids for art and the interest of some political historians in the art of calligraphy, who were among the court secretaries, scribes and calligraphers, the importance and volume of recorded materials on calligraphy was in the first place compared to other arts. Also, under the influence of the political historiography, Golestan-Honar was written as the first serious historiography in Iranian art, which shows the value and superiority of the calligraphy from the perspective of political developments and the center of the Safavid court over other arts. In this descriptive-analytical research, the historiography of the art of calligraphy is examined in the political historiography of the Safavid era. The findings indicate that the status of the great calligraphers, the history and various items of calligraphy and special attention to Nastaliq pen, the classification of calligraphers and their migrations are reflected in the political historiography of this period.

Islamic beliefs and convictions are capable of bringing meaning to social life and regularizing group relationships to bring about convergence among Muslims, but Islamic societies are faced with wide and complicated differences; One of the most important goals of Islamic thinkers for the awakening of Muslim nations has been to deal with differences. This research tries to diagnose the intellectual and cultural roots of Muslim differences despite the strong emphasis of the Qur'an and the Prophet's life on unity (problem). This article tries to investigate this basic issue by using the analytical-historical method and by benefiting from the sources (method) that any foresight and planning for Islamic unity depends on identifying the factors that cause differences, which are generally religious and are cultural (hypothesis.) Identifying and treating the roots of differences among Muslims will lead to the success of the wave of Islamic awakening and the failure of divisive plans in the Islamic world; Care and reflection in the Glorious Qur'an and the biography of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) show the importance and necessity of this issue. The most important axes for removing the cultural damage of differences: intellectual monotheism, reforming baseless ideas, religious solidarity and tolerance, rejection of extreme ethnicism, condemnation of personal and group superiority, targeted use of religious communities, especially Hajj is a project of common human rights, application of Islamic ethics and relying on common religious teachings of Muslims (findings.)

One of the oldest administrative-religious organizations in Iran is the organization created under the shrine of Hazrat Masoumeh (s), which was developed during the Qajar and Pahlavi periods in terms of administrative organization. This article seeks to answer the question with a descriptive-analytical method that in the field of administrative organization of servants in the Qajar and Pahlavi period, how the holy threshold of manpower absorbed and organized? How were you financed? How were the salaries and benefits of the servants paid? Method / approach; This research has been prepared by using library and documentary sources and by descriptive-analytical method. Findings and results; The results show that during the Qajar period, the administration of the Holy Threshold was managed by Sadat Hosseini and Razavi, with government decrees called hereditary servants, and other than their heirs, no one else was allowed to work on the Holy Threshold. Studies also show that the Constitutional Revolution and the dictatorial administrative reforms of the Pahlavi period had a significant impact on the organization of Astana, so that with the promulgation of the administrative regulations, the uniform law and the cleric's license by the Ministry of Education, the Astana administration changed the payment of salaries and salaries.

Sahib al-Zanj revolted against the Abbasid caliphate in 255 AH around Basra and near Khuzestan with the slogan of rescuing slaves. He started his uprising by proposing some justice-oriented ideals and relying on violence, and resisted the caliphate for 15 years; during this period, Khuzestan was also constantly exposed to his activities. The main question of the present study is "what were the consequences of the Zangian uprising, carried out with justice-oriented slogans, on the security and social order of Khuzestan?"This research was a historical research using descriptive-analytical method. The findings of the present study indicate that despite the design of some religious slogans, the rescue of Zangi slaves, the implementation of justice and the overthrow of the Abbasid caliphate by Sahib al-Zanj, but his main approach after the beginning of the uprising and initial success, he impose his demands by looting and the brutal killing of people, especially city dwellers; In the meantime, the villages and towns of Khuzestan were repeatedly brutally attacked by the Zangians, people's property was looted, many of them were killed, some were enslaved and others fled their homes for fear; Of course, in some cases, they escaped the massacre by surrendering and paying a ransom. The result of Zangian's activity in Khuzestan was the trampling of the lives and property of the people of Khuzestan and the destruction of security and social order in this area; In addition, with their presence, other rival powers also attacked Khuzestan to fight the Zangians and increased insecurity in the region.

Social status indicates the position of the individual in the social structure and in the historical texts of the Safavid era, important information about the social status of artists, including painters, is provided. Despite the general dependence of art on the court, painters in this era were not the same in terms of status and social status, but several components determined the ups and downs of their status. The purpose of this article is to explain the role and social status of Safavid painters in historical texts with emphasis on political historiography, art historiography, memoirs and travelogues. This article is of historical type and with reference to the topics of historical sociology and the method of library research and has been done in a descriptive-analytical manner. Findings indicate that in the historical texts of this era, the position, status and position of painters have been influenced by such things as: religious policies, art of Safavid kings, political competitions, the continuation of artistic families and social mobility by Safavid neighbors.

After the weakness of Islamic civilization and in contrast to the beginning of the process of growth and development in Western countries, Islamic thinkers have paid more attention to the subject of civilization, what and its influential factors than ever before and compared to Western civilization new approaches to the evolution of Islamic societies and indicators of civilization. The instrument has been proposed. Mohammad Abed Jaberi is one of the contemporary thinkers and thinkers who has analyzed and studied the political and social developments in the history of Islam under the influence of the developments in Western societies. Using a descriptive-analytical method based on library studies, the present article addresses the main question: what are the components of civilization from Jabri's point of view? Findings show that Jaberi considers the key role of the three elements of belief, booty, and tribe in the study of the history of Islamic culture and civilization and tries to analyze the contemporary political developments in the Islamic world with a critical approach. From Jabri's point of view, the solution for the development of Islamic societies depends on understanding the requirements of the time, adapting to the concepts of the modern world such as democracy, modernity, and political reason.

In the second Pahlavi era, as a result of the coup of August 19, 1943, Iranian society suffered from failure and passivity in the field of political, party and social activities, and the Pahlavi regime also experienced a crisis of legitimacy. Therefore, Mohammad Reza Shah, in order to legitimize his government and find a solution to eliminate social gaps and save the crises that pervaded society during the internal and global developments in the process of modernization, sought to use a model based on the approach of archeology. What makes this research necessary is to know the model that Mohammad Reza Shah used to save his society from crises, especially the crisis of legitimacy. This study aims to answer the question of how the symbols of the Mehr religion were effective in the social organization of Pahlavi politics by using the method of historical analysis, which is based on the description and analysis of data, relying on sources. Findings of the research show that Mohammad Reza Shah tried to create a new social organization in Iran and give legitimacy to his rule by following the example of some symbols of Mehr religion such as invincibility, salvation and fair distribution of welfare and wealth, but this effort It was not entirely successful and could only partially resolve the crises of Iranian society and be useful in creating social empathy and dealing with crises and gaining legitimacy.

The Battle of Siffin happened in the year 37 AH, in the land of Siffin located in the western part of Iraq between Raqqa and Bals. It was fought between Imam Ali (AS), the head of the Kufa army, and Mu'awiyah ibn Abu Sufyan, accompanied by the people of Sham (i.e. Syria). One of the important points of this battle that has not been studied methodologically so far is the unity and coherence of the Syrian Army. This issue has been mentioned by Imam Ali in Sermon No. 25 in Nahj al-Balaghah when describing the army of Syria. Furthermore, most historical sources acknowledged it. The present study uses the critical discourse analysis method - as an interdisciplinary approach in social sciences that examines the relationship between language, power, ideology and discourse - to understand the impact of Mu'awiyah's speech on this unity and cohesion. Therefore, the effect of Mu'awiyah's speeches on his army will be examined at three levels of description, interpretation and explanation. The results show that Mu'awiyah used both tradition and religion to produce motivating and unifying factors among the people of the Sham.