فهرست مطالب سید مسعود موسوی شفائی

The international role of the dollar in the global economy remains dominant. Nonetheless, there is a belief that various factors, including geopolitical changes, technological advancements, and China's increasing role as an emerging power, may challenge the hegemony of the American dollar as a dominant force. China has implemented a range of significant and diverse policies in pursuit of de-dollarization to weaken one of the key pillars of American power. In this research, we employ an analytical-explanatory method and draw upon written and online sources, as well as data from financial and banking institutions, to address the fundamental question: What actions has China taken in pursuit of de-dollarization, and to what extent have they been effective? The hypothesis proposed suggests that considering the dollar's control over the financial structure and the international payment system, as well as the world's countries dependence, including China's, on the existing financial and monetary structure, dollar hegemony has persisted despite China's confrontational policies and has not encountered significant challenges thus far. The research findings suggest that while China's de-dollarization policy is acknowledged as a potential threat to dollar hegemony, it has not succeeded in challenging the dominance of the American currency, and it appears that the dollar-based system will continue predictably into the future.

Techno-nationalism is a form of mercantilist thinking in the realm of new technologies that directly associates innovation and technological capabilities with a nation's identity, national security, economic prosperity, and social stability. This issue has become increasingly prominent since 2018 and the US-China trade war. One of the most significant symbols of this competition lies in advanced chips, or semiconductors. Given the significance of this topic, this research aims to address the fundamental question: "What impact will techno-nationalism, especially the technological battle in the realm of semiconductors, have on the economic rivalry between the United States and China?" In alignment with this research question, the hypothesis posits that "the technological contest in the domain of semiconductors, due to the acquisition of technological advantages, constitutes one of the most critical elements in the US-China trade war, and the economic supremacy of these two nations is intertwined with dominance in this sector." The results indicate that, given the importance of semiconductors in the production of a wide array of industrial products, their destiny-shaping role, and their position as a primary determinant in the economic competition between the United States and China, the West has maintained a substantial advantage over China so far. Nevertheless, China is pursuing various strategies to narrow this gap and reduce its reliance on the West.

The geo-economic rivalry between the United States and China revolves around the framework of infrastructure initiatives, driven by their geopolitical significance. From the perspective of the United States and the West, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was seen as an aggressive move that could potentially challenge their dominance in the international economic order. Consequently, they prioritized significant infrastructure projects to control China's expanding influence. In this current study, we seek to answer the question, "What impact will the U.S.-China geo-economic rivalry have on the international economic order?" The hypothesis posits that, "Despite the economic and trade power expansion facilitated by the Belt and Road Initiative and China's economic penetration, the current superiority of the United States and the West, along with their capacity for restraint in response to proposed initiatives, ultimately prevents the decline of the liberal international order." Analysis, using an analytical-explanatory approach and drawing from written and online sources, suggests that given the objectives and significance of the initiatives proposed by the United States and the West, as well as their dominance in the global economy and technology, and considering China's structural challenges and differences with its neighbors, the West will ultimately maintain its dominance in the international economic order.

Benyamin Netanyahu with more than fifteen years of experience as prime minister has been a major role in shaping the Israeli foreign policy. Knowledge about his central beliefs and cognitive approaches can play an important role in understanding Israeli foreign policy. The question is, what cognitive approach does Netanyahu have in foreign policy? Have these cognitive approaches been constant or changed over time? The aim is to explore Netanyahu's central beliefs as one of the main factors influencing Israeli foreign policy. In this regard, Netanyahu's verbal materials in foreign policy were examined between 2009 and 2019, using the conceptual framework of operational code analysis and the “verbs in context system” method in comparing to a norming group average of world leaders. The results of the quantitative analysis of Netanyahu’s speeches by Profiler Plus software show that there is a significant difference between Netanyahu's philosophical and instrumental beliefs in the second & third terms (2009-2015) on the one hand, and his beliefs in the fourth term (2015-2019), on the other hand. In the first round, Netanyahu saw the nature of the political universe in harmony with Israel's interests. Moreover, he realized political values in adopting a cooperative strategy, and the usefulness of utilizing cooperative tools with regards to other actors. In the second round, he considered the nature of the political universe in conflict with Israel's interests, realizing values in pursuing a limited cooperative strategy, and the usefulness of employing cooperative and conflictual tools versus other political actors.

National power refers to a concept in which governments determine the national, regional, and international Status of a country by utilizing their potential and actual material and spiritual resources, relying on their governance methods and leadership quality within society. After the Cold War, economic strength has become one of the most important pillars for strengthening the national power of countries. In this research, using an analytical-explanatory method and relying on written and online sources, we aim to answer the question: "Considering the relative importance of the economy in global and regional competitions and its increasing role in the national power of countries, why has the role of this significant factor been weak in Iran's national power?" The hypothesis put forward to answer this question is that "although the economy has been emphasized and attended to in Iran's macro-level policymaking, it has not been a priority in the implementation of the country's governance system." The examination of theoretical foundations and the role of the economy in Iran's national power indicates that the primary reason for the diminished role of the economy lies in the increased pressure of sanctions and threats, which prioritized military deterrence capabilities in the country. Furthermore, an idealistic approach to development and the mismatch between many program objectives and reality resulted in their failure, diminishing the role of the economy in the country's national power.

Various theories have been proposed to analyze behaviors in the international arena. Some theories, such as mainstream theories, are influenced by the linear approach of classical science, considering the international system as mechanical, closed, and far from interaction. Others, such as complex systems theory, considered the concept of nonlinear relationships and interaction used in the analysis of biological systems to explain the behavior of the international system and tried to explain human behavior as a biological system. Interaction is the main concept in explaining the behavior of natural and living systems that causes chaotic behaviors. Because the concept of interaction in human systems, as the highest example of biological systems due to the power of thinking, is a different concept. The purpose of this article is to introduce the interaction in the international system with features; Flow-creation and interpretation of information, purposefulness, sensitivity to the initial condition and impact and effectiveness. Studies show that due to the differences between human interaction and the interaction of other living organisms, Chaotic behaviors in the international system have characteristics; Simplicity in complexity, certainty in uncertainty, and order in disorder.

The decreasing willingness and ability of ‘the great powers’ to engage directly in regional matters has meant that the result of the current dispersion of power has been the fluidization of the international order. Hence, new spaces have opened for emerging regional powers to exercise action and become more active in trying to increase their sphere of influence in various regions of the world. Amidst these conditions, the geo-economical approach of East Asia based on cooperation and mutual prosperity which has unleashed previously hidden opportunities, has brought relative order and stability to that region. On the other hand, we observe the prevailing dominance of geopolitics of terror, instability, war, and conflict in West Asia. The international position and geographical location of Iran has located this country in the middle of these two regions, with opposing approaches to geopolitics; One is Asia in its general sense, which seems to be more inclined towards developing a flourishing geo-economy, and the other is West Asia, which is caught in the geopolitical trap of fear.In light of the foregoing, the modus operandi of this paper started by collecting data through document examination and analyzed them using a descriptive-analytical method. The results of this study indicate that in the current climate, turning away from the West Asian geopolitics of fear towards (East) Asian prosperity should be the main objective of country in terms economic diplomacy. Furthermore, the paper argues that this objective should be pursued through a framework of mutual benefits with neighboring countries.

Benyamin Netanyahu has been the main figure in the Israeli political scene for the past decade. Since he has played a major role in shaping the Israeli foreign policy in the international arena, this study seeks to examine his leadership style and personality traits as an influential and at the same time a neglected factor in the foreign policy behavior of the state of Israel. Hence, the main hypothesis is the fact that Israel’s foreign policy behavior has been more influenced by Netanyahu’s cognitive system and leadership style. The conceptual/methodological framework used in this paper is Leadership Traits Analysis (LTA) proposed by Margaret G. Hermann with a focus on the Conceptual Complexity variable in this regard. The results of this study, which itself are the quantitative content analysis of Netanyahu’s verbal material from 2009 to 2019; suggest that BIBI’s low conceptual complexity and his black and white thinking to foreign policy with high belief in ability to control events, a high desire for power, and a strong distrust to others have shaped Netanyahu’s aggressive and hawkish approach to Israeli foreign policy, which can be seen in exaggerating the Iranian threat and opposing to the idea of a Palestinian independent state.

This study discusses the issue that although technology facilitates affairs in various aspects of human life, it has also assumed a disruptive role. Technological disruption refers to a function of technology indicating that changes in the rules of the game and the components governing the logic of action transform a wide range of international issues (from international security to global governance and foreign policy). These changes, affect the position of countries in relation to adaptation or non-adaptation to new value and performance networks. Accordingly, geoeconomics, as an important platform for emerging competitions for power, has also been subject to technological disruption. This article hence aims to find out how technological disruption can affect the geoeconomic status of countries as well as their position in the international arena. This research was a descriptive-analytical study using the documentary method. The research hypothesis indicates that technological development from the late 20th century has established networking of the operating spaces and governance of currents between countries by shaping the spatial rotation and, as a result, has disrupted and put in doubt the independent agency of geoeconomic actors. On the other hand, by facilitating the exertion of power and authority as the regulator and director of the strategic currents, technology highlights the position of some countries and marginalizes others. This study aims to evaluate in detail the dimensions of Iran’s geoeconomic status, as the study case, based on the intended framework.

There are many research methods, both quantitative and qualitative, in the field of international relations that students use for their research. One of the qualitative methods is the method of historical research or history research. The historical method is used when the researcher seeks to study a phenomenon in the past with the aim of discovering historical facts and describing present events. History is the most important influential element in establishing and developing relations between countries because governments regulate their relations in the context of time based on their perceptions of other countries, but international relations researchers either use this method infrequently or are unfamiliar with the proper way to use it. This article tries to answer these questions: how to use the historical method in international relations research? What are the advantages and achievements of applying the historical method in international relations? What applications does it have for the field of international relations? And what are the reasons for the lack of attention to this method of research in the field of international relations? The purpose of this article is to help produce literature on how to use and apply the historical method in the field of international relations, especially in research related to dissertations

Xinjiang Autonomous Region has been a complex puzzle for Chinese rulers throughout history and its people have been diverse in cultural, religious, and ethnic areas. In addition, geographical features and the existence of a border region challenge China's control on this area. Since 1949, the Uyghur separatists and the independence of East Turkestan as an internal problem. Since early 1990s, China has recognized the international aspects of this dilemma and has been forced to confront its consequences. The new policy affected China's relations with Turkey, which in addition to its historical, linguistic, religious and cultural ties with the Muslim Uighurs, was ideologically inspired by Uighur nationalism as well as a suitable place for Uyghur refugees.So the authors intend to investigate how the Xinjiang situation has affected China-Turkey relations. It seems that the quality and quantity of China-Turkey relations before the 1990s have been affected by the Xinjiang developments, and have been undermined, and the Xinjiang developments after the 1990s have been managed at the expense of the Uighurs by the economic, military and political relations between the two countries.

China actively participated in the BRICS initiative in recent years. China uses the BRICS membership to forge political-economic power and present its dissatisfaction with the distribution of power in international politics. This paper examines the process of China-led BRICS operation to redistribute power under certain conditions. The authors use a historical method and descriptive-analytical approach based on library resources to investigate the roots and logic of China's strategy in initiatives such as the BRICS in a US-dominated world. The findings show that China has pursued a Grand-pattern of balancing at the domestic and foreign levels; therefore, active participation in initiatives such as BRICS represents an aspect of external balance of the Chinese grand  pattern To redistribute power through a soft balance strategy. The authors further identify the major soft balancing tactics that China employs through the BRICS, including  Economic diplomacy .

Nowadays, international order has passed serious changes in both world and regional levels. The entrance of international order to the era of post-American transition and environmental dynamisms in regions have made some basic uncertainties inspiring changes in roles of most of actors in regions, particularly in Persian Gulf. United Arab Emirates is one of the most significant examples of the mentioned actors. Using the theory of role, this research seeks to investigate what effects have the changes and dynamisms of orders in world and region had on roles and acts of actors in the region of Persian Gulf. The hypothesis is that: dynamisms of orders in world and regional levels have changed the social structure of order and consequently this issue has provoked some regional actors like UAE to start promoting its role from a moderate and dependent actor in regional upheavals to a security, military, and political actor during the last 10 years. The research is explanatory-analytical and the method of data collection procedure is based on library and online international statistics and documents.      

The research is descriptive-analytic. Using the descriptive-analytic approach, the researcher seeks to answer why and how is established a causal relationship between independent and dependent variables, and it is attempted to describe a process and develop a concept.

Two factors at the systemic and regional levels have changed the role of the UAE. 1) Changing the regional role of the United States of America in the Persian Gulf region; 2) Regional developments such as the Arab Spring and military conflicts in Iraq, Syria and Yemen, the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood, Iran's growing influence, and competition and conflict with Qatar. In addition, to consolidate its new role, the UAE has taken actions including: 1) Intervention in the Yemeni civil war; 2) Finding new regional and trans-regional allies such as Russia and Israel.

The findings of this study show that changes in order at the systemic and regional levels change perceptions of the role of regional actors. In this regard, the role and foreign policy of the United Arab Emirates were discussed. In particular, the UAE's foreign policy behavior was largely influenced by the structure of the international system, and they traditionally followed the dominant power; but changes at the systemic level and the dynamics of order at the environmental level led the country to take on a role beyond the subordinate government at the regional level. Hence, the UAE is trying to impose its political and security order through proxy forces, military organizations and the support of affiliated politicians. But the UAE's ambitions and behavior to become an influential country in the Persian Gulf region can have a significant impact on regional order. For example, bringing Israel into the Gulf security environment could provoke a reaction from pro-Palestinian groups and lead to new tensions.

Détente as a policy seeks for decreasing tensions in foreign relations between states. Although there are lots of variables affecting the mentioned policy, this article basically concentrates on the role and status of military power in détente. The main argument is: there was a clear correlation between military power and détente in the Cold War era (especially between the U.S. and the Soviet Union as the two superpower) but in the post-Cold War era, we cannot see such a correlation between these variables, which means there has been substantial change in the correlation between military power and the détente policy. This research shows that, due to changes in the international system on the one hand, and an evolution in state attitudes towards the nature of power on the other, the role and status of military power has declined in the détente policy between states in the post-Cold War era.

One of the distinguishing features of the current international situation is the growth of China as a great power. The growing power of China for protecting of security interests is directly tied to the US international position; As a result, China's strategic engagement with the US is one of the issues that is essential to understand the future state of international order. This article examines China's pattern of behavior toward the US under the unipolar order system. Hence, the question that the authors have tried to answer with a descriptive-analytical approach is that what pattern governs China's foreign policy to advance its interests, and strategic interactions with the US in the current international order? Findings show that due to the necessity of entangling polarity, economic factor and threat perception, China has adopted a dual pattern of behavior, like the domestic capabilities and external soft balance, in order to advance its strategic interests and interactions with the US. The first concept refers to the continuation of economic efforts along with increasing military capabilities to increase China's relative power. In the second concept, China's internationally balanced behavior toward the United States is considered. This is mostly done through multilateral institutions and economic diplomacy.

Security interdependence amonggovernmental actors has increased following the evolutions that occurred ininternational system structure, globalization phenomenon, and change in thenature of threats and threatening actors. Although security interdependence isfelt at different levels and regions, it is more evident in the adjacentgeographical units forming regional security complexes. In this regard, regionalsecurity complexes are more talented and need to establish stable and interconnectedsecurity communities. Based on reviewing security complexes in different regions,it has been not attained in some areas despite the capacities and bases offorming security communities and severe need to their formation. The NortheastAsian security complex as a strategic sub-system in East Asia is under theseconditions. The present study sought to evaluate why the Pluralististic securitycommunity is unformed in Northeast Asia by utilizing the components ofsecurity complex theory. Thus, the research hypothesis is raised based on twocomponents of semantic (the pattern of friendship and hostility and culture)and material (regional competitions of two main actors, proximity andterritorial disputes, and economy) as regional variables, and the presence ofAmerica in the security equations of the region as trans-regional one isconsidered as the most important reasons for preventing from establishing commonsecurity regime in this region. The present study was conducted througha descriptive approach by using library resources.

In recent months, the spread of Coronavirus encountered us with a contretemps situation. An event occurred in the guise of a virus that was beyond modern life imagination. Due to a virus, the defects and inadequacies of the mechanisms that govern human societies have once again found the opportunity to outbreak. What seems impossible in coordinates of the history of present of international relations, was realized in the disguise of a contretemps event. In these circumstances, nation-states, in confrontation with new-found events like Coronavirus, entangled in some kind of distress, insolvency, and lack of preparation. Considering these circumstances, we would face different questions; what are the roots of the insolvency of nation-states in the confrontation of these new-found challenges? What are the consequences of handling the contretemps events such as Coronavirus in a traditional method based on survival and security of state? In this regard, we argue that the nature of new-found challenges like Coronavirus is as if the nation-state and the international order based on it, has birth defects in face of these kinds of events; On the other hand, it seems that the learning process and adaptation of nation-states has been frozen decades ago. In this paper, The way of information analysis is the explanatory method of research.

The 1970s coincided with the expansion of Iraq-Soviet Union relations and Iraq was considered to be one of the most important Soviet Union allies in the Middle East. The collapse of the Soviet Union didn’t end the alliance between the two countries and they continued to cooperate during the 1990s. The invasion of Iraq by the United States and subsequent overthrow of the Baathist regime led to the termination of the Iraq- Russia alliance. Thus, we witnessed a minimal Russian role in post-Saddam Iraq from 2003 to 2011. With the beginning of the Arab uprisings and the spread of unrest to Syria and then Iraq, followed by the occupation of large parts of Iraq by ISIS, a new Iraqi-Russian alignment was formed. This article aims to examine the influential factors involving the formation and continuation of Iraq-Russia alignment from 2011 to 2018. Thus, our main question is: what are the main factors which influenced Russia-Iraq alignment from 2011 until 2018? The hypothesis is that the Arab uprisings (2011) and subsequent regional developments in the Middle East (especially the Syrian crisis) created internal and external threats against the existential security of the Iraqi central government; while the United States (during the Obama administration), as the most important and dominant ally of the Iraqi government, was reluctant to engage itself more in the Iraqi quagmire, Russia took the opportunity to play an active role in Iraq’s political scene. In other words, on the one hand, the Russian leaders’ perceptions of their position in the international system have changed and they assumed that at that time Russia was not as weak as it used to be in the 1990s and 2000s, and on the other, regional and international developments had provided an opportunity for Russia to re-align itself with Iraq. To examine our hypothesis, first we offer a conceptual and theoretical framework in which we follow Glen Snyder who redefines the concept of alignment as a broader concept and more fundamental than alliance. As such alignment is considered to be derived from particular interests of states and is constantly shifting as the patterns of power, resources, and thematic priorities of states, change. Further we use the neoclassical realism research program as our guide to examine factors influencing Iraq-Russia alignment. Neoclassical theoreticians examine states’ goals and behaviors in the international and regional environment by combining unit level and systemic level factors. According to neoclassical realism, international and regional opportunities, threats and states’ relative potencies are systemic level factors considered to be independent variables of this research program. These independent variables are interpreted through intervening variables (leaders’ perception of their position in international system and international and regional developments).Therefore, developments in Iraq and Obama’s Pivot to Asia policy are systemic level variables and Russian leaders’ perception of their position and power in international system is the intervening variable of this research. Finally by providing an overview of Russia-Iraq relations post World War II until 2011, we will discuss our independent variable. Therefore the 2011 Arab Uprising, the emergence of ISIS and changes in Iraq’s security environment will be mentioned followed by the assessment of the United States Pivot to Asia. The adoption of buck passing and offshore balancing strategies by the Obama administration encouraged states such as Russia which was willing to change the status quo, to enter into the international and regional developments that coincided with changes in Moscow’s leaders’ perception of their position in international system.  In other words, the Russian leaders who witnessed the failure of US policies towards Afghanistan and Iraq during the late 2000’s, the 2007-2008 economic crisis, the emergence of powers such as China indicating a conversion from unipolar to multipolar system, and also the increase in oil prices, understood that the distribution of Russia’s relative capabilities in the international system has increased. As a result, they initiated some policies to change the position of Russia (especially in Central Asia and Eastern Europe) and utilize opportunities to transform it into a great balancing power in international system. Alignment with Iraq’s central government and Russia’s arms sales to this country in addition to intelligence cooperation, military training and investments in oil and gas sectors in Iraq indicated Russia’s effort to acquire a foothold and reach maximum influence in the important and strategic land of Mesopotamia.

Throughout its progressive path towards sustainable development and due to the dynamics of the international system, development has experienced several up and downs in different countries, gradually, to reach the era of modern technologies, at the verge of which global economics, politics and communications have been emerged and economic development placed at the focal center of development. The result of series of studies focused on economic development, its methods and theories in different countries led to the strengthening the belief in the increasing role of international interactions for economic development. Eventually, at present, most countries’ vision or policy of economic development is focused on improving the country’s international interactions considering the effects on economic development. Given the role of international interactions in economic development and in view of the 20-year vision of the country, which places the Islamic Republic at the position of regional power of Southwest Asia in 1404, this study intends to present a political strategy to guide the international interactions of the I.R.I in line with economic development.

In order to provide the I.R.I with a dynamic political strategy for international interactions in line with economic development as the main question of this study, the research method was based on post-positivism applying comparative as well as survey research approach. An in other words, descriptive-analytical method was used based on a combined (quantitative-qualitative) approach and the theoretical framework is based on dynamic policy making and constructive power. Data was collected through documentary and library studies. Then, based on frequency of indicators, a questionnaire was concluded and distributed among sample society, comprised of economic and political elites and theorists. Accordingly, SPSS means of examinations (regression analysis and path analysis) was applied to examine the collected data (primary and secondary) and the proposed model of political strategy for I.R.I. was presented and approved by the sample society.

 The research findings comprised of two parts: descriptive and statistic findings which are presented as follows: 1. Successful economically-developed countries follow a dynamic political strategy in their international interactions in which they pay attention to economic indicators such as FDI as well as foreign policy indicators such as avoiding international sanctions. 2. As per secondary and primary data, nine main indicators of “economic development”, “effective economic indicators in international interactions”, “international interactions”, “dynamic policy- making”,  “dynamic policy- making in international interactions for economic development”, “constructive regional and international interaction”, “understanding the functioning structure of international economy”, “compliance with international standards”,  “national interests” and their sub-indicators (72) were developed and their authenticity as well as applicability in Iranian society were examined and approved through primary data collected from the sample society. 3. Economic and foreign policy indicators such as export development, transparency, etc., are in weak position in I.R.I. 4. Iran needs a comprehensive and dynamic strategy to operationalize the 1404 vision and to increase in its influence in the regional and international system

Having reviewed the I.R.I. strategies within past decades, it’s been concluded that Iran is favoring potential features of regional power. Also approval of 1404 vision shows that Iranian political leaders and elites are concerned about constructive international and regional interactions and role of such interactions in economic development, however, economic as well as foreign policy indicators has been placed in weak position in I.R.I. which means that 1404 vision is a very broad and general policy. In order to its operationalization, the I.R.I. needs a transparent and dynamic strategy for conducting international interactions. A dynamic political strategy which will improve features of constructive regional power of I.R.I and increase in its influence while mitigating the regional tensions and improving economic interactions in the region and international society.

According to the hypothesis of this study, I.R.I strategy for international interaction should follow a dynamic policy-making strategy based on four main indicators of “constructive regional and international interaction”, “understanding the functioning structure of international economy”, “compliance with international standards”, within “national interests” which will eventually improve the position of economic and foreign policy indicators of I.R.I and lead the I.R.I. to build the features of constructive regional powers.

The US and the Soviet Union led the east and the west camps during the cold war and the geopolitical order was laid on the foundation of the rivalries between these two superpowers. But, after the collapse of the bipolar system, the US became the undisputed power in the international arena and the geopolitical order underwent changes during three decades after that and the conflicts between the superpowers was continued. Based thereon, the current study aims at explaining the geopolitical structure after the cold war and the method of power distribution in the situation after the collapse of Soviet Union up to the present time.

The present study makes use of a descriptive-analytical method using qualitative content analysis and reviewing literature and the theories presented through reasoning and inference to find answers to three key questions in line with perceiving the relations between the superpowers after the cold war. The method of data and information Collectionis library and documentary.

The present study will show that the world witnessed a geopolitical transition after cold war and that no power is in a hegemonic position currently and the world is bearing witness to a spectrum of unipolar, bipolar and multipolar fluid powers. The conflict between the superpowers can be explained based on subjective and objective geopolitical factors.

Powers have chosen such strategies as withdrawal, bandwagoning and, balance of power which is including soft and hard in respect to one another according to the type of conflicts

Syria is one of the most complex crises in Arab societies which lasts for several years. Iran and Turkey as two regional countries entered the crisis from the outset and with the aim of changing the political map and balance of power in the Middle East, trying to control the situation in Syria. their efforts to control the situation in Syria have led them to unprecedented competition, based on ideological and identity variables. This is while the two countries worked together before the Syrian crisis in various dimensions of trade, transportation, diplomacy, and so on  and according to Turkey's new foreign policy, they demanded "zero problem" with their neighbors. That's why, given the areas of cooperation between the two countries and the policy based on the interaction of Turkey, this question will be created.  is how the competition between Iran and Turkey could The results of this research showed that Iran decided to help sustain the rule of the Bashar al-Assad regime as its sole strategic ally in the Middle East. And Turkey want to deposit the rule of the Bashar al-Assad regime and replace by another state.

In this paper, the descriptive-analytical method has been used and for collecting information, the library method, letters, reports and valid data are used in English and Persian. Also on statistics, the percentage contribution method, indexation, contractual, and the use of its own indexes are used as score. Then with the algebras sum of positive and negative score of variables and the determination of the country's score in each factor, and finally the sum of the score of all factors, the national strength of each country determines.

The findings of the article are as follows:1-Iran and Turkey, as long as they are at the same level of power, are placed in the form  of two rivals or partners in different issues and levels. 2- Iran and Turkey on issues whose vital interests are threatened, compete with each other and one of these issues is the Syrian crisis. the Syrian crisis has clearly captured the vital interests of the two countries and according to this, two countries are in conflict with each other in the form of rival – rival. 3- Iran and Turkey on issues that related to their secondary interests, establish a cooperative relationship in the form of two partner and allies. It should be noted that the secondary interests are interests that do not harm the security and power of these two. The result of the study shows that the interference of Iran and Turkey's role in the Syrian crisis,bring them into conflict patterns because each country sees another role as an obstacle to its role and try to reduce or even prevent another role. so, this effort and competition leads their raltions to conflict and the more these efforts, the greater these conflicts.

In the Syrian crisis, what has caused Iran-Turkey rivalry and what exacerbates this competition is the efforts of the two countries to play their intended role. according to this, given the importance of Syria, Iran and Turkey have drawn their goals based on this importance. victory in the Syrian crisis for Iran is very important for some reason, including maintaining strategic position and increasng regional influence, maintaining strength of resistance, confronting the hostilities of neighboring Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, confronting ISIL and Takfiri groups and etc and in order to achieve these goals, iran needs to maintain Assad as its strategic partner. for this reason, Iran plays a protective role in Syria seeking to preserve the rule of Assad. on the other hand, success in the Syrian crisis is important for Turkey and this includes the regional containment of Iran, the presentation of the pattern of the Brotherhood order against the resistance axis pattern, preventing kurds Incitement and their separatist demands. given that Turkey considers Assad as an obstacle to achieving these goals, it seeks to change the rule of Assad and replace it with a puppet's Sunni government. accordingly, Turkey's role in the Syrian crisis is a revisionist role, which is in contrast to Iran. and each country, while trying to play its role, seeks to prevent the role of the other side. in the Syrian crisis, the rivalry between the two countries over the balance of role and the zero sum game within the scope of roles.

The results of this research showed that Iran decided to help sustain the rule of the Bashar al-Assad regime as its sole strategic ally in the Middle East. And Turkey want to deposit the rule of the Bashar al-Assad regime and replace by another state. So that with two antithetical roles, the pattern of behavior leads to conflict and competition. Indeed, the interference of their role leads to competition.

The primary concern of the article lies in this question: Why cannot the capital accumulation in Saudi Arabia (despite the advantages of globalization, young workforce, understanding about inefficiency of oil-based economy and planning to economic reform) transfer from an oil-dependent accumulation formation to a post-industrial accumulation? In order to answer this question, the author suggests that changes in the process of capital accumulation in Saudi Arabia depend on changes the government's approach to society, the private sector (restrictions on civil society) and its costly foreign policy. As long as the government's approach will continue, accumulation in Saudi Arabia will depend on oil and will not have the elements of global capital accumulation such as: science and technology, specialty of internal experts, and benefits of service sector.

Water as a natural common resource is shared among different stakeholders (local, sub-national, national and international) and is vital for the human, which ignores political, economic and cultural boundaries. The direct link between water security, human security and the national security of the states on the one hand, and the existence of numerous international transboundary river basins and aquifers throughout the world on the other, has led water systems to a political and security issue in the world. It has shaped the complex "water, politics and security" nexus. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nexus of water and politics with a focus on the issue of power. Since power is one of the most significant elements in policy making and its implementation; hence, the definition of power differs in different time and spatial conditions. Accordingly, understanding of the nature and dimensions of power and hegemony (as one of its derivatives) is so significant. Power plays a crucial role in water interactions as coupled complex human-natural systems. Generally, argued by Warner (2004), up-streamers use water to get more power and down-streamers use power to get more water. Considering the role and serious impact of power in hydropolitics in general and water diplomacy in particular, this paper critically examines the nature and role of power and hegemony in relations among international riparian countries.

In the post-Cold War era, the growing challenges in the international system and East Asia region defined new behavioral requirements for Japan and it led Japan to do changes in its security policy foundations and settings. In this process, Japan took positive steps towards normalizing its defense policy, which led to Japan's distancing from a passive and dependent foreign policy in the international system and approaching a government with a high potential for international and regional influence. Removing the ban from arms exports, interpretation of the Japanese Constitution (paragraph 9) in 2015, changes in the guidelines of defense alliance with USA with an emphasis on active Japan are all indicating Japan's security policy change in recent years. By reviewing the above statements, this question arises that what the consequences of continuous and progressive transformation aimed at reviving Japan's role in security trends at the national and international levels are. In response to this question, the research hypothesis is based on this fact that in the national dimension, strengthening its deterrence and expanding its role in the field of arms and in international affairs, strengthening USA's hegemony and changing Japan's military cooperation and influence in the international community and the various regions are among the most significant implications for Japan's strategic change. The research methodology is descriptive and analytical, and the data collection method will be based on international documents and statistics.